Reminder - Most FCC Political Rules Apply to Off-Year Elections for State and Local Offices

In odd years like 2013, most broadcasting stations don’t think about the FCC’s political broadcasting rules. But they should – both for special elections to fill open seats in Congress, and for state and local political offices. This week, the news has been full of stories about next week’s special election for Congress in South Carolina, pitting former South Carolina governor Mark Sanford against Elizabeth Colbert Busch, the sister of TV host Stephen Colbert. Obviously, for a Federal election like that for the Congressional seat they are competing to fill, broadcast stations serving the district they are seeking to serve need to offer candidates the full panoply of candidate rights – including reasonable access, lowest unit rates, and equal opportunities. But in other parts of the country, as well, there are all sorts of political races taking place in this off year and, as we have written before, most of the political rules apply to these state and local electoral races as well as to the few Federal elections that are taking place to fill open Congressional seats.

Candidates for state and local elections are entitled to virtually all of the political broadcasting rights of Federal candidates – with one exception, the right of reasonable access which is reserved solely for Federal candidates. That means that only Federal candidates have the right to demand access to all classes and dayparts of advertising time that a broadcast station has to sell. As we wrote in our summary of reasonable access, here, that does not mean that candidates can demand as much time as they want, only that stations must sell them a reasonable amount of advertising during the various classes of advertising time sold on the station. For state and local candidates, on the other hand, stations don’t need to sell the candidates any advertising time at all. But, if they do, the other political rules apply

So that means that if a broadcast station decides to sell advertising time to one candidate in a state or local political race, they must sell it to all candidates for the same race – and be prepared to make available equal amounts of time in equivalent time periods. And, if the time is sold during the 45 days before a primary, or the 60 days before the general election, the time must be sold to the candidate at lowest unit rates. See our summaries of the rules relating to equal time here, and to lowest unit charges here. Similarly, if a station air personality decides to run for state and local office (anything from the school board or local planning commission to governor or state legislature), the station needs to consider whether to take that personality off the air, or risk having to provide equal time to all competing applicants – for free, in amounts equivalent to the amount of time that the employee-candidate appeared on the air, even if the employee never mentions his or her candidacy at all. See our article about this choice here.

Two weeks ago, I spoke on FCC legal issues to the Oklahoma Association of Broadcasters at their annual convention, and was asked a question about this issue and the one type of public office to which the rules do not apply – election to offices in Native American tribes. The Commission has stated that these elections are exempt from the FCC’s political advertising rules, but for all other state and local elections, the rules must be applied. So don’t forget about the political advertising rules – even though this is an odd numbered year!

FCC Finds Randall Terry Entitled to Reasonable Access to Buy Time on DC TV Station - and Defines the Geographic Scope of Access Obligations for Political Candidates

The FCC today acted on a reasonable access complaint by Randall Terry against a Washington DC television station, ordering the station to sell commercial time to his campaign as he is on the ballot as a legally qualified candidate for President in the state of West Virginia. The decision was based on the Commission's finding that a portion of the station's noise limited service contour ("NLSC") encompassed a county in West Virginia. Prior to the conversion of television stations to digital operations, the FCC's policy was that a station would have to give reasonable access to a candidate if the station provided more than de minimis Grade B coverage of the district in which the candidate was legally qualified. This decision held, for the first time, that the NLSC was the equivalent of the Grade B contour for reasonable access purposes. It further found that NLSC coverage of 54,000 people, 3% of the state's population, was not de minimis, and ordered the station to provide reasonable access to purchase advertising time on the station before next week's election.

We recently wrote about the reasonable access obligations of broadcast stations. We also wrote about Mr. Terry's attempts to purchase airtime on television stations during the primaries to air graphic anti-abortion ads. Now that Mr. Terry has secured a place on the Presidential ballot in certain states, we may see some of those ads on TV stations in the closing days of this election. Perhaps a scary thought for many on this Halloween night.  But, for television stations, this decision also establishes the extent of their obligations for the carriage of ads from candidates who may be running in districts that make up only a small portion of their total coverage area. Stations take note. 

Political Broadcasting Refresher Part 3 - Reasonable Access - How Much Advertising Time Must Be Sold to Candidates?

In recent days, we’ve been writing about political broadcasting topics in anticipation of the November election. We provided a refresher on the basics of lowest unit charges on Monday, and equal opportunities on Wednesday.  Today, we’ll look at reasonable access – how much time must stations sell to political candidates (or give to them if they would rather meet their obligations through free time, which few stations are willing to do). Reasonable access requires broadcasters to make reasonable amounts of time available to candidates for Federal office – in all classes and dayparts on all commercial broadcast stations (noncommercial stations were exempted by Congress about a decade ago when candidates started to demand free time on these stations). With the expected onslaught of political advertising coming up in most battleground states, stations fearful of having to devote all of their commercial time to election advertising wonder just how much time is reasonable?

The FCC leaves the determination as to what is “reasonable” to the reasonable discretion of the station, as long as access is provided to all classes and dayparts on the station.  The discretion, though, is to be exercised in coordination with the political candidates themselves. For Federal candidates, stations should not put up-front limits (e.g. in a political rate card or on a political disclosure statement) as to how many spots they will sell to any Federal candidate in any specified period of time. Instead, stations are supposed to engage in a give and take with the candidate, accessing the candidate’s needs and desires and weighing them against the needs of the station to provide advertising to other clients.  After hearing the needs of the candidates, it is up to the station to reach a determination as to what is reasonable. If stations give candidates at least some access to all classes and dayparts on their stations, even if it is not as much as the candidate wants, stations have traditionally been given the benefit of the doubt by the FCC.

In assessing what is reasonable, stations can look at a number of factors. The factors include the number of other races in a station’s coverage area, the amount of time that the candidate has already purchased, the timing of the request, and the demands for time by other non-political advertisers. Thus, stations in a rural area that covers a single Congressional district may have obligations to provide more time to any single candidate than stations in a major metropolitan area, where there may be multiple Federal Congressional races each seeking access.  The amount of time that needs to be provided to any single candidate may also be less very close to the election, when the demand from other candidates is likely to be the greatest.  Stations do not need to provide wall-to-wall political advertising. 

The only daypart where an exception is made is news - where the FCC has said that stations do not need to provide candidates access to their newscasts.  They can provide that access, or they can provide access only to certain portions of the newscasts.  This exception was provided as the FCC feared that some political ads could be confused with news content.  However, full-time news stations cannot use this exception to totally exempt themselves from reasonable access - as all broadcast stations have a statutory obligation to provide some access.  Nor can a company that owns a cluster of radio stations take Federal political ads on only certain stations.  While a station owner might think that a candidate may not really want to buy a particular music station, if the candidate demands access to that station, reasonable access must be provided even if the owner believes that the ads would be more appropriate on their news-talk station.   

It is a common misconception that candidates can come in and demand the exact time that they want for their ads – getting placement on specific programs on specific days and even at specific times. In fact, stations have much discretion to direct candidate’s ads to times comparable to that requested by the candidates, and to manage access to particular programs on particular days, as long as the station, during the course of the election, accords some access to all classes and dayparts. By offering the candidate a spot in next week’s episode of a popular program if this week’s episode is sold out, or by placing the ad in a program that offers a similar audience, the obligation to the candidate can be met.

Like many other areas in political broadcasting, this is not an easy dance, and the devil is in the details, but with practice and diligence, a station can manage the process. One thing that makes the process somewhat easier is that state and local candidates do not have a right of reasonable access. As we have written before, while stations can afford time to state and local candidates (and, if they do, all other political rules apply including lowest unit rates and equal opportunities), stations do not have to provide such access. Stations can refuse to sell time to candidates in particular races (as long as they treat all candidates in the same race in the same way), while selling time to other state and local races.  Stations can also limit state and local candidates to specific days or dayparts, again with the caveat that all candidates for the same race are treated in the same way. As there is no right of access for state and local candidates, stations can establish up-front limits on the amount of time that they sell to these candidates -setting limits on the number of spots per day or per daypart that they will sell in particular state and local races.  

Next week in our series on the FCC's political broadcasting rules, we'll start with an article on the no censorship requirement, which will include an explanation of why we see so many ads making claims that we know are making claims that are simply not true.

FCC Decides That Randall Terry Not Entitled to Run Graphic Anti-Abortion TV Ads in the Super Bowl For His "Presidential Campaign" - But Questions Remain

In an 11th hour decision released at about 5 PM on the Friday before the Super Bowl,the FCC decided that TV station WMAQ-TV in Chicago was justified in denying Randall Terry's request to buy advertising time in the Super Bowl.  As we've written before, Mr. Terry is claiming that he is a candidate for the Democratic nomination for President, and as such has a right of reasonable access to broadcast stations, meaning that they must sell him advertising time.  If he had such rights, the stations could not censor the content of the ads that the candidate decided to run (see our article here about the Communications Act's no censorship rule).  As Mr. Terry has promised to run some very graphic antiabortion ads featuring images of aborted fetuses, many stations were reluctant to run the ads, especially in the Super Bowl when families will be watching the big game.  The FCC decided that WMAQ-TV acted reasonably in denying Mr. Terry time in the Super Bowl for two reasons: (1) he had failed to make a substantial showing of his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination in Illinois, and (2) even if he had, he had no right to demand that his ads be placed in the Super Bowl.  Each of these prongs of the decision clarifies some issues in the law of political broadcasting that had been long-debated, but the first part of the decision leaves questions - important questions to which many stations want answers.

The first prong of the decision concluded that WMAQ-TV was justified in determining that Mr. Terry was not a bona fide candidate for the Democratic nomination for President in Illinois as he was not on the ballot there, and had not made a "substantial showing" that he was otherwise a candidate in the state (see our discussion of the requirements to be a legally qualified candidate, here).  The FCC found that the station did not need to be a private investigator and ferret out every instance of campaign activity that Mr. Terry had engaged in within the state to determine if his activity was substantial.  Instead, the station could rely on the information that Terry presented to it when he made his request.  That information essentially amounted to the fact that he had made appearances in two small towns in the state, and had some campaign literature (though there was no evidence that it was ever distributed in Illinois).  Based on those facts, the Commission denied the request - concluding that he had not engaged in campaign activities throughout a substantial portion of the state, as required by prior FCC precedent.  While this may answer the question in this case (and helped to clarify the law as to the showing that write-in candidates need to make before they can demand reasonable access to broadcast stations), it leaves several questions unanswered for stations that have or may receive Mr. Terry's request for airtime in other states where Mr. Terry is on the ballot.

The decision did not reach the question of whether Mr. Terry could be a qualified candidate in other states, including states where his name does appear on the ballot for the Democratic nomination (including Missouri and Oklahoma).    The FCC's decision cites a letter from the Democratic National Committee that concludes that Mr. Terry cannot be considered a bona fide Democratic candidate, as he had not shown that he had a history of participation in the Democratic Party, was dedicated to the party's success and would participate in the Democratic Convention in good faith.  But the FCC decision does not specifically state that the DNC letter ends the question of whether he is a bona fide candidate for the Democratic nomination.  In a case in the late 1990s involving Lyndon LaRouche, the FCC stated that the determination of a political party as to who was a qualified candidate for its nomination was binding on the FCC and would not be second-guessed.  Some have suggested that the LaRouche decision gives stations the ability to conclude based on the DNC letter that Mr. Terry is not a bona fide candidate, even where he is on the ballot.  But the LaRouche case arose after all the primaries were done, and the only debate was whether the candidate could run ads about the party convention.  The decision did not have to address the issue of what happens when a candidate is actually on the primary ballot in a state and demands time before the primary. As the FCC rules state that a place on the ballot is enough to be a legally qualified candidate, the FCC has left stations in states where Mr Terry is on the ballot in a precarious situation - can they rely on the Democratic Party letter and deny him advertising time, or simply because he paid his filing fee and secured a place on the ballot, is he then entitled to buy time?  Certainly, the latter option opens up the campaign process to all sorts of shenanigans, as anyone could pay the filing fee in states where there are not complicated ballot qualification processes, and then be able to demand time on broadcast stations - at the cheapest rates that such stations sell advertising time during the lowest unit rate windows 45 days before an election, and rely on the no censorship rule to advertise almost anything that they wanted to - bypassing many station's standards for advertising content.

The second part of the decision, that stations need not sell advertising time to candidates in the Super Bowl, is much more straightforward.  Stations have always known that candidates do not have the right to demand access to any specific ad placement, as long as the station offers the Federal candidate "reasonable" access.  The Commission went further here, relying on one of its policy statements on the political broadcasting rules that said that stations did not need to sell time to candidates in one-time programs of special significance where the stations would be unlikely to be able to provide equal opportunities to opposing candidates as required by law.  As the Super Bowl is the highest rated program in the TV year, were the station to sell some of its limited advertising inventory to Mr. Terry, how could it offer equal opportunities to President Obama's campaign, which would have 7 days to make an equal time demand? As the Super Bowl is unique, it would simply be impossible to offer comparable time to opposing candidates after-the-fact, as required by law.  This decision makes perfect sense as the Super Bowl's limited local advertising inventory provides all sorts of problems for stations - even without having to worry about political ads and the potential for equal opportunities.

This decision may not bring the Terry story to an end, as we'll have to see if more time is demanded on other stations in other states.  But it does illustrate some of the many practical and philosophical questions about the implementation and obligations put on stations by Sections 312 and 315 of the Communications Act.  First Amendment issues abound with forcing stations to sell time to candidates with whom they disagree and whose messages may be upsetting to many viewers. We'll see if these broader issues are further discussed as the still-young campaign season progresses. 

Graphic Abortion Ads In Iowa By Presidential Candidate - And A Seminar on FCC Political Broadcasting Rules

With the Iowa primary approaching, political ads are increasing on the local Iowa TV stations.  While the national press may have been focused on some of the recent Rick Perry ads about the end of "don't ask, don't tell" and its connection to the celebration of Christmas in the public schools, there has been an even more controversial ad running on Iowa TV stations - anti-abortion spots being run by Randall Terry, the head of Operation Rescue, who has announced that he is running for the Democratic nomination for President - challenging President Obama for the privilege of running in next year's election.  Some of the planned ads have graphic depictions of the results of abortions.  These ads are disturbing to some, and many viewers (and many stations) are concerned and upset about their being broadcast - so why are stations running them?  For the most part, it is based on the requirement of Section 315 of the Communications Act that prohibits a station from censoring an ad from a candidate for public office.  Not only that, but court rulings concerning the reasonable access provisions of the Communcations Act prohibit stations from channeling potentially disturbing ads to later night hours - limiting stations to a pre-ad disclaimer warning viewers of the content to come and advising them that the ad is being aired by a candidate and is not subject to station censorship (stations should work with counsel to use language on such a disclaimer that has been approved by the FCC). 

But there are issues that stations need to explore to prevent everyone with the money to cover an ad from claiming to be a candidate for office and being able to air disturbing images on broadcast stations.  Under the law, a person has no censorship rights for their ads (and reasonable access rights for Federal candidates) only if they can show that they are a "legally qualified candidate."  In most cases, the question as to whether someone is legally qualified is relatively easy.  The station looks at whether the person has the requisite qualifications for the office that they are seeking (age, residency, citizenship, not a felon, etc.), and then looks to see whether they have qualified for a place on the ballot for the upcoming election or primary.  In most cases, qualifying for a place on the ballot is a function of filing certain papers with a state or local election authority, in some places after having received a certain number of signatures on a petition supporting that person.  But once the local election authority receives the papers (and does whatever evaluation may be required), a person is legally qualified and entitled to all the FCC political broadcasting rights of a candidate: equal opportunities, no censorship, reasonable access if they are Federal candidates, and lowest unit rates during the limited LUC windows (45 days before a primary and 60 days before a general election).  But, for Presidential candidates, especially in caucus states, and for write-in candidates, there are slightly different rules that are applied, as there is no election authority to certify that the requisite papers have been filed for a place on the ballot.  Instead, in these situations, a person claiming to be a candidate must make a "substantial showing" that he or she is a bona fide candidate - that he has been doing all the things that a candidate for election in the caucus would do. What does that mean?

Section 73.1940(f) of the Commission's rules sets out what a substantial showing needs to include.  The rule states:

The term substantial showing of a bona fide candidacy as used in paragraphs (b) of this section means evidence that the person claiming to be a candidate has engaged to a substantial degree in activities commonly associated with political campaigning. Such activities normally would include making campaign speeches, distributing campaign literature, issuing press releases, maintaining a campaign committee, and establishing campaign headquarters (even though the headquarters in some instances might be the residence of the candidate or his or her campaign manager). Not all of the listed activities are necessarily required in each case to demonstrate a substantial showing, and there may be activities not listed herein which would contribute to such a showing.

Stations are entitled to ask a purported candidate to make that substantial showing before they accord the candidate all the rights that he or she might be entitled to under the rules.  Stations will looks at factors including whether the candidate has had campaign rallies. Is he making speeches and campaign appearances throughout the area where the election is being held? Is there campaign literature that is being distributed on his behalf? Does he have any campaign offices or campaign workers?  Is his campaign more than a website?  A station is entitled to ask for this evidence, and then needs to review it, probably with the aid of counsel and possibly with the informal advice of the FCC (whose Political Broadcasting Office is usually quite helpful in working through issues like this) to determine whether it meets the substantially test.

For Presidential candidates, there is yet another wrinkle - as once a candidate has established his qualifications in 10 states, then he or she is presumed to be qualified throughout the country.  So, candidates like Mr. Terry, who work hard to qualify in early primary and caucus states, will have the FCC rights of a candidate accorded to them in later states by virtue of their actions in these early states.  This may become important as Mr. Terry has claimed that he is looking to buy spots in the Super Bowl from stations across the country.

Is this system fair?  Does it allow fringe candidates valuable airtime access that stations would otherwise likely deny?  The intent of this law to is forbid stations from being censors of political messages – leaving candidates free to deliver their message in a manner that they believe to be the most effective.  With stations not being able to second guess the decisions of candidates, some controversial material may be aired in candidate advertising, but that will be the candidate's choice.  It is then up to the voters (not the stations) to make the decision as to whether the candidate made wise decisions in delivering his or her message in their advertising in the way that they choose.  But substantial questions remain about whether stations should be allowed to channel ads to periods when a more appropriate audience may exist.  But given court decisions in this area, it would take an act of Congress to allow the FCC to allow such channeling. 

This question, and other questions about the political rules were discussed last week in a webinar that I conducted for the Texas Association of Broadcasters.  The slides from that presentation are available here.  Other questions about the political broadcasting process are available in the Davis Wright Tremaine Political Broadcasting Guide, and we'll continue to highlight on this blog some of the interesting issues that arise throughout this election season. 

Remember Lowest Unit Charge Windows for Local Political Races and Upcoming Presidential Primaries and Caucuses

Broadcast stations must charge political candidates the lowest unit rate that they charge any commercial advertiser for a comparable advertising spot during the 45 days before a primary and the 60 days before a general election.  Broadcasters need to remember that this applies to state and local races, as well as Federal campaigns, so those charges must be given to candidates for upcoming off-year November elections that are to be held in many states in less than a month.  As we've written before, while reasonable access does not apply to spots for state and local candidates, once a station decides to give these candidates access to the airwaves by selling time, most of the other political rules (lowest unit rates, equal opportunities, no censorship) apply.

With the Iowa caucus likely to take place on January 3, lowest unit rates will need to be afforded to presidential candidates by stations serving Iowa in mid-November, with stations serving New Hampshire, South Carolina, Nevada and Florida moving into a lowest unit charge window soon thereafter.  The FCC has held that candidates are entitled to lowest unit rates for caucuses as if they are primary elections.  And the rules apply to stations in neighboring states that have service into the states with early primaries and caucuses.  So many states are currently in lowest unit rate windows for local races, and others soon will be for the Presidential race.

Look for more information about the FCC's rules in our Political Broadcasting Guide.  I'll also be conducting a webinar summarizing the political broadcasting rules, featuring Bobby Baker, head of the FCC's political broadcasting office, on Wednesday - sponsored by the Michigan Association of Broadcasters in cooperation with the broadcast associations of at least 10 other states.  Get ready for the political broadcasting season by viewing our webinar or one of the other refresher courses sponsored by other associations in the coming months. 

Political Broadcasting Reminder - State and Local Candidates Subject to Lowest Unit Charge, No Censorship and Equal Opportunities Rules

In the waning days before the mid-term election, we have received many questions about the applicability of the political broadcasting rules to state and local candidates.  In particular, we have seen a number of letters from attorneys representing candidates who are running for state and local offices (everything from Governor to county commissioner or school board representative), who claim that an attack by an opposing candidate is unfounded and that a broadcast station must pull that ad from the air.  Just as is the case with Federal candidates, ads by state candidates cannot be censored by a station.  Thus, except in certain very unusual situations (where the language of the ad would violate some Federal criminal statute, e.g. if it is obscene), a station must air the ad as it was created.  It cannot be rejected because the station disagrees with the content or the tone, and it cannot be pulled even if the opposing candidate believes it to be defamatory.  Because the station cannot censor a candidate's ad, they have no liability for the content of the ad, i.e. they cannot be held responsible for any defamatory content that it may contain, even if they are on notice of that content.  They cannot censor an ad by a candidate or a candidate's authorized campaign committee - whether that candidate is running for a Federal, state or local office.

Note that, as we have written many times, this is in contrast to those situations where a candidate complains about an attack ad sponsored by a non-candidate group.  In those cases, the station does have the option of whether or not to run the ad (the no censorship provisions of Section 315 of the Communications Act do not apply).  Thus, if the station is on notice that there is potentially defamatory content in an ad, it must do some investigation of that ad, and make an informed decision about whether or not to allow the ad to continue to run.  If it does not investigate, and continues to run an ad that is defamatory after receiving notice of that fact, in some extreme cases, it could face liability for that defamatory content.

Most of the other rules governing political broadcasting apply to state candidates as well as Federal candidates.  The requirement that candidate be charged lowest unit rates for the class of advertising time that the candidate purchases in the 60 days before the general election applies with equal force to state and local candidates as it does to Federal candidates.  And equal opportunities requires that a station sell comparable amounts of advertising time to competing candidates, or give free time to one candidate if their opponent appeared on a non-exempt program on the station, also applies to state and local as well as Federal candidates.  Public inspection file obligations - that a station put in its political file information about the amount of political time purchased by a candidate, the class of time sold, the price of the spots, and the schedule that will run - apply to state and local as well as to Federal candidates.

The principal political rule that does not apply to state and local candidates is the "reasonable access" provisions of the rules.  That is to say that stations need not sell time to candidate for all local races.  They can pick and choose in which races they will sell time, or they can restrict candidates for a specific race to buying time in particular dayparts in which the station has more inventory.  But once the decision to sell to candidate for a particular office is made, the other rules mentioned above apply.

More information about the political advertising rules can be found in the Davis Wright Tremaine Political Broadcasting Guide.

The Impact of the Proposed DISCLOSE Campaign Reform Act on Broadcasters and Cable Operators - Lowest Unit Rates and Reasonable Access for Political Parties, On Line Political File, FCC Audits and More

In reaction to the Citizens United Supreme Court decision invalidating restrictions on corporate spending on advertising and other messages explicitly endorsing or attacking political candidates (about which we wrote here), new legislation, called the DISCLOSE Act,  has just been introduced in both houses of Congress seeking to mitigate the perceived impact of the Court's decision.  While the announced goal of the legislation is aimed at disclosure of the individuals and companies who are trying to impact the political process, the draft legislation, if adopted would have significant impact on broadcasters and cable companies, including potentially extending lowest unit rates and reasonable access to Federal political party's campaign committees (and not just the candidates themselves).  The draft legislation also proposes lower Lowest Unit Rates in political races where there are significant independent expenditures, more disclosure by broadcasters through an on-line political file, and even mandates for audits by the FCC of the rates charged by television stations to political candidates.  The language could also be read as an expansion of the current applicability of the political rules to cable television - applying reasonable access to cable systems and lowest unit rates and equal opportunities to cable networks.  As Congressional leaders are proposing to move this legislation quickly (with votes before July 4) so that it can be in place for the coming Congressional elections, broadcasters and cable companies need to carefully consider the proposals so that they can be discussed with their Congressional representatives before the bills are voted on by Congress.

While much of the bill is intended to force disclosure of those sponsoring ads and otherwise trying to influence the political process, the portions of the bill that amend provisions of the Communications Act include the following:

  • An extension of Reasonable Access to require that broadcasters give reasonable access not just to Federal political candidates, but also to Federal political parties and their campaign committees.  In recent years where the Democratic and Republican Congressional Campaign Committees have been big buyers of broadcast time.  The extension of reasonable access to these groups could put even greater demands on broadcast advertising time on stations in markets with hot races, as stations could not refuse to provide access to "all classes of time and all dayparts", as required by the reasonable access rules.  This could crowd out other advertisers, and even make it harder for ads for state elections (as state and local candidates have no reasonable access rights) in states where there are hotly contested races.
  • Extends the Reasonable Access requirements to require reasonable access to "reasonable amounts of time purchased at lowest unit rates."  The purpose of this change is not clear, as all political time must be sold to candidates at lowest unit rates in the 60 days before a general election and the 45 days before a primary. 
  • Extends the requirement for Lowest Unit Rates to Federal political parties and their campaign committees.  Currently, the lowest unit charges apply only to the candidate's campaign committees, not to political parties.  Under the proposed language, LUC rates would also apply to the parties, and to groups like the Republican and Democratic National Campaign Committees
  • Extends the "no censorship" provisions to Federal political parties and their campaign committees.  This change may be a positive for broadcasters.  As we have written before, a broadcast station cannot censor a candidate's ad.  But, as they have no power to reject a candidate's ad based on its contents, they have no liability should that ad contain material that could potentially be defamatory or otherwise subject the station to liability.  This proposed language would extend the no censorship rule to cover ads from Federal political parties, so that stations would not have liability for those ads either.  As many of the hardest hitting attack ads often come from these committees, if this legislation were to pass, stations would not have to worry about evaluating the truth or falsity of the committee's ads, as they would have no liability for the contents of the ads as they would be forbidden by law from rejecting the ads based on their contents.
  • Provides for a lower Lowest Unit Rate in races where there are independent expenditures by any group of more than $50,000.  If a corporation or other group spends $50,000 in any political race, then all stations would be required to charge all candidates in the race the lowest charge made for "the same amount of time in the last 180 days" - not just the lowest charge for the same class of time as is then currently running on the station.  First, this would force stations to look back 6 months to determine their lowest unit rates.  For a primary election in June or July, rates in the doldrums of January or February could set the June political rates.  Moreover, the legislation does not state that it would look at the lowest rate for the same "class" of time over the previous 180 days, but instead it talks only about the same "amount" of time.  It is unclear if this is an intentional attempt to make stations sell prime time spots at overnight rates, but the current language of the bill seems to avoid the traditional distinctions on spots being sold based on their class.
  • Forbids the preemption of advertising by a legally qualified candidate or national committee except for unforeseen circumstances.  This provision may well be intended to force stations to sell candidates advertising at their lowest nonpreemptible rates, and then treat the spots as they would much more expensive non-preemptible fixed position spots
  • Requires the FCC to conduct random audits during the 45 days before a primary and the 60 days before a general election.  Audits would have to be conducted as follows: 
    • 6 of the Top 50 TV markets
    • 3 of the markets 51-100
    • 3 of the markets rates 101-150
    • 3 markets below 150
    • Audits would be required of the 3 largest networks, 1 independent TV network, 1 cable network, 1 provider of satellite services, and 1 radio network.  The language here, too, seems odd, as the requirements for audits are for "networks" of broadcast, cable and radio stations, not for local operators, and for an "independent television network" which would seem to be an inherently contradictory term - if a station is truly an independent, it is not affiliated with a network, so how can the FCC audit an "independent television network"?  It is unclear of whether this provision is requiring audits of the networks themselves, or of affiliates of the networks in the markets in which audits must be conducted. 
  • Requirements that stations keep on their website information about all requests for the purchase of broadcast time by candidates, political parties or other independent political groups. Right now, the rules specifically do not require that political files be kept online.

There is also a provision changing the definition section of the Section 315 of the Communications Act which sets out the lowest unit charge provisions of the Act, along with no censorship and equal opportunities, which currently apply to broadcasters and the operators of cable television systems.  The proposed changes would add to the definition of a broadcast stations the phrase "and a provider of cable or satellite television service", making clear that all such services are included in the lowest unit rate provisions of the rules - which might be read as an attempt to include cable television networks within the scope of the rules.  In fact, as provided above, the law requires an audit of a cable network, implying that they will be subject to the rules if this law is adopted.  The law also adds a reasonable access provision to Section 315, which would seem to extend the concept of reasonable access to cable as well as to broadcast. The clear intent is unstated, but given the definitional language used in the language of the bill, and the fact that this new provision dealing with reasonable access is added to Section 315 which applies to cable (as contrasted to the Section 312 reasonable access provisions which do not), the extension of reasonable access to cable is seemingly the impact of this language.

The bill also extends the "stand by your ad" provisions of the Federal Election law to ads by third party groups, so a spokesman for any third party group buying ad time in connection with a political campaign will be forced to appear on the ad and take "credit" for that ad.  Disclosure of the Top 5 contributors to non-candidate political committees would also be required by this bill.

It is clear that the DISCLOSE Act could fundamentally change the way that broadcasters and cable companies deal with political advertising during election periods.  With the push to decrease rates and increase access to the airwaves, there could well be a a significant reaction by those being regulated.  Given the more expansive reading of First Amendment rights from the Supreme Court in the Citizens United case which spurred this proposed legislation, it would be quite possible that some broadcast or cable group could choose to challenge the mandatory access rights given to political parties under these rules, or the very cheap rates for political ads that could be read into the provisions of this bill.  There will be much to debate on this legislation, and the language of the bill could very well change as it makes its way through the Congressional processes.  But there are many important issues to consider - and broadcasters need to be aware of their possible impact. 

David Oxenford Conducts Webinar for Kansas Association of Broadcasters on FCC Political Broadcasting Rules

David Oxenford today conducted a webinar for the Kansas Association of Broadcasters on the rules for political advertising.  In addition to the elections for the US House of Representatives, Kansas has a race to fill a vacant US Senate seat, as well as elections for Governor and a whole host of state and local offices.  With an August primary and the November general election, the 2010 election season could be a busy one in the state.  David's presentation covered reasonable access, equal opportunities, lowest unit rates, FCC paperwork obligations and the other related issues that govern how broadcasters need to treat political candidates and other political advertisers.  The slides from David's presentation are available here.  Broadcasters should also refer to Davis Wright Tremaine's Political Broadcasting Guide for information about preparing for the upcoming campaign, and spotting legal issues that may arise during the election season.

Looking Into the Crystal Ball - What Can Broadcasters Expect from Washington in 2010?

Another year is upon us, and it’s time for predictions as to what Washington may have in store for broadcasters in 2010.  Each year, when we look at what might be coming, we are amazed at the number of issues that could affect the industry – often issues that are the same year to year as final decisions are often hard to come by in Washington with the interplay between the FCC and other government agencies, the courts and Congress. This year, as usual, we see a whole list of issues, many of which remain from prior years. But this year is different, as we have had a list topped by issues such as the suggestion that television spectrum be reallotted for wireless uses and the radio performance royalty, that could fundamentally affect the broadcast business.  The new administration at the FCC is only beginning to get down to business, having filling most of the decision-making positions at the Commission.  Thus far, its attention has been focused on broadband, working diligently to complete a report to Congress on plans for implementation of a national broadband plan, a report that is required to be issued in February.  But, from what little we have seen from the new Commission and its employees, there seems to be a willingness to reexamine many of the fundamental tenants of broadcasting.  And Congress is not shy about offering its own opinions on how to make broadcasting "better."  This willingness to reexamine some of the most fundamental tenets of broadcasting should make this a most interesting, and potentially frightening, year. Some of the issues to likely be facing television, radio and the broadcasting industry generally are set out below.

Television Issues.

In the television world, at this time last year, we were discussing the end of the digital television transition, and expressing the concern of broadcasters about the FCC’s White Spaces decision allowing unlicensed wireless devices into the television spectrum. While the White Spaces process still has not been finalized, that concern over the encroachment on the TV spectrum has taken a back seat to a far more fundamental issue of whether to repurpose large chunks of the television spectrum (if not the entire spectrum) for wireless users, while compressing television into an even smaller part of what’s left of the television band – if not migrating it altogether to multichannel providers like cable or satellite, with subscription fees for the poorest citizens being paid for from spectrum auction receipts. This proposal, while floated for years in academic circles, has in the last three months become one that is being legitimately debated in Washington, and one that television broadcasters have to take seriously, no matter how absurd it may seem at first glance. Who would have thought that just six month after the completion of the digital transition, when so much time and effort was expended to make sure that homes that receive free over-the-air television would not be adversely impacted by the digital transition, we could now be talking about abolishing free over-the-air television entirely? This cannot happen overnight, and it is a process sure to be resisted as broadcasters seek to protect their ability to roll out new digital multicast channels and their mobile platforms. But it is a real proposal which, if implemented, could fundamentally change the face of the television industry.  Watch for this debate to continue this year.

Spectrum conflicts with radio will also be on the table. There have been proposals for the reallotment of TV Channel 6, and perhaps even Channel 5, to radio uses. Particularly given the issues that many major market television stations had with the digital conversion of VHF stations, and the demand by more and more entities for radio spectrum, this proposal has already been advanced for public comment by the FCC in several proceedings, and could theoretically be ripe for action. More likely is further consideration, as there are many issues that would need to be resolved – like who would pay for the few remaining TV stations on these channels to move elsewhere on the TV band, plus questions of how the spectrum, if reallocated to radio use, would be divided. More on that below in the radio discussion.

The FCC will also have to complete the digital transition of TV translators and LPTV stations, which were not bound by the June 2009 DTV conversion deadline. The FCC will need to set a digital conversion deadline – a conversion that many translator and low power licensees are not looking forward to paying for, but which may be necessary to preserve their over-the-air viewership as the analog tuner becomes an historical relic. This transition may also bring to the fore questions about the use of LPTV stations on Channel 6 for quasi-radio stations broadcasting audio that can be received on 87.7 or 87.9 on most radio receivers as analog television audio signals are just below the bottom of the FM dial. This use of channel 6 stations for Fm broadcasting would disappear if LPTV stations go digital, and thus there may be resistance to the transition from that element of the LPTV community.

Another carryover issue from 2009 is the status of the SHVERA extension, authorizing DirecTV and DISH Networks to rebroadcast local broadcast television signals to satellite TV subscribers in their markets. That authorization expired at the end of 2009, and has been extended by Congress, but only until March. While everyone seems to agree that a further extension is appropriate, many parties are trying to load up the bill with all sorts of goodies from the wish lists of various industries – everything from a mandatory extension of local-into-local service into every television market (as urged by TV interests), to changes in must-carry and retransmission consent schemes and rules on the importation of distant network affiliates (sought by various multichannel video providers), to issues about allowing the carriage of in-state TV stations in markets with counties that currently receive their television service from stations in adjoining states. These and other issues will need to be resolved before a more permanent extension can be granted.

 

Radio Issues

The most fundamental issue for radio broadcasters is the potential for the broadcast performance royalty – which would require that radio stations pay not only the composers for the use of music on the radio (which they currently do through ASCAP, BMI and SESAC payments), but also to pay performers (and the record companies, as the copyright holders in these performances) for the use of their recordings on the air. Radio has never paid such royalties, though digital cousins of radio – satellite radio, Internet radio and cable radio – have paid these royalties for the last decade. While broadcaster representatives have thus far been able to beat back attempts impose this performance royalty for the use of sound recordings, both the House and Senate Judiciary Committees passed forms of this legislation in 2009, and proponents of the royalty will be pushing for a vote on these bills this year. With the potential for a crippling new cost to be imposed on radio if these royalties are adopted and imposed on top of the royalties already paid to ASCAP, BMI and SESAC (which are themselves in negotiation for new royalty rates as old rate agreements expired at the end of 2009), music radio could be dealt a severe blow if the proposal was to be adopted in this time of decreasing revenue. While the new NAB President has seemingly taken a somewhat more conciliatory tone in dealing with this issue (no more claims that the royalty will only be discussed at knifepoint), it is difficult to see where the revenue to pay such royalties would come from. But it will be an issue that will be fought hard this coming year.

The digital transition in radio will also need to be addressed. While many stations are already operating with digital over-the air streams of programming, the Commission is still faced with resolving proposals for increased power for HD Radio operations (In-Band On Channel or IBOC digital radio), which some broadcasters have opposed as holding the potential for adjacent channel interference. While a compromise proposal to allow for IBOC power increases has been offered to the Commission, it has not yet been adopted. Watch for action on that front soon.

LPFM stations may become more common this year, as legislation to remove a ban on those stations causing third-adjacent channel interference to full-power FM stations may well be removed by Congress this year. A bill to do so has passed the House, and will likely be considered soon in the Senate. The House Bill did protect some full power stations from real cases of interference, and certain existing services like existing translators and stations proving reading services for the blind. But the bill must also be addressed by the Senate, and we will have to see what will be in the final legislation.

The related issues of the relationship between LPFM stations and other FM users also remain to be resolved at the FCC. A new LPFM window has been held up by issues on how to process the thousands of FM translator stations that remain pending from the 2003 translator window.  Similarly, issues remain to be resolved on whether LPFM stations, which were authorized as secondary services, should be able to be protected from increases in power or other facility changes by full-power stations. Perhaps the removal of third-adjacent channel protections will alleviate some of the conflicts, but others are bound to remain.

The proposals discussed above to recapture some of the television spectrum, including Channel 6 and possibly Channel 5, and to use that spectrum for new radio stations, may provide a further outlet for LPFM stations to remove some of the conflict with translators and full-power stations. Proposals are already pending to immediately allow LPFM stations on 87.5, 87.7 and 87.9 – all parts of channel 6 that can be heard on most FM radio receivers. But a longer term solution could result from this reallocation, giving LPFM stations places to operate without restricting FM upgrades or endangering FM translators. Others have even suggested that some or all AM stations could be moved onto these channels. This is likely to be a long-term project, but one that may get further serious consideration this year.

 Finally, the FCC under Interim Chairman Copps, suggested rules that could limit the ability of FM stations to change city of license to move toward larger communities, undoing some of the flexibility accorded to stations in recent years to change city of license to reach larger audiences. Action on this proceeding might be forthcoming, or will perhaps be rolled into the localism proceeding discussed below. 

Issues for Both Radio and Television

 

The FCC’s Localism proceeding remains on the table, proposing a whole host of requirements to assure that broadcasters are serving their communities and the “public interest”. While comments have been filed and the proceeding ready for resolution for over two years, there are so many controversial issues raised by the proposals that coming to any resolution will not be easy. Some proposals seem to be dead – like that for a fully manned main studio during all hours of operation, located in the station’s city of license, as regulators realize the costs that such a requirement would impose, and the likely impact that the requirement would have on new entrants and on the 24 hour operations of some stations. Yet requirements for some form of mandatory ascertainment of community needs, plus some enhanced disclosure of public interest programming, seem more likely. Some of the proposals rumored to be on the table include requiring that broadcasters be judged by whether they perform certain tasks set out on a menu of options by which they would demonstrate their service of the public interest. One would hope that any set of menu options would be broad enough to recognize all the diverse ways that broadcasters serve their communities, and not so restrictive as to make every station meet the public interest in the same cookie-cutter way, and thus eliminating diversity in approaches that has allowed the broadcast industry to flourish.

 

The difficulty with localism issues is illustrated by the Commission’s rules, adopted over two years ago, requiring TV stations to document in minute detail their public interest programming on Form 355. This rule has never become effective, as the form has never been approved by the Office of Management and Budget as being in compliance with the Paperwork Reduction Act. As this form required so much new information, for no appreciable purpose, it seems unlikely that it could survive such a review. Broadcasters argued that the information required to be documented would require the hiring of new staff whose only role would be to fill out this form. In an era of declining revenues for broadcasters, hiring a person to deal with these issues would, of necessity, require cutbacks in other areas, possibly compromising service to the public. 

 

While that would seem to be an issue, in recent hearings on the FCC multiple ownership rules, which will come up for a full review in 2010, certain public interest group representatives suggested that gathering detailed information about a station’s public service should be seen as a cost of doing business, and that owners who did not want to shoulder this burden should simply get out of the business. With views such as that being advanced in the multiple ownership proceeding, questions of how to modify the Commission’s ownership rules will not be easily resolved. The FCC’s 2007 modest relaxation of the broadcast-newspaper cross ownership rules has never been fully implemented, causing us to wonder if the restrictions may well outlive the newspaper itself.  Broadcasters, especially small market TV operators, have also been looking for the ability to combine operations under more flexible rules – an issue to be examined by the FCC in this upcoming 2010 proceeding (though don’t expect any final resolution this year).

 

The troubles of the newspaper industry, and of some broadcast stations, in funding their news operations, has given the FCC and the FTC pause, with both agencies conducting reviews of how the government may be able to facilitate good journalism in the 21st century. The FCC has gone so far as to appoint a Special Advisor to the Chairman to look at the issues of how the media should best serve their local audiences and how to assure that service is forthcoming to local communities.  One wonders what the government can do to mandate what are essentially business decisions.  But some fear that any review of content issues, whether it be in the guise of community service or localism or some other form could be a backdoor way to bring back the Fairness Doctrine, which many conservative pundits have predicted.  Certainly, many of these proposal would face constitutional and practical problems in implementation. Yet these will be matters which broadcasters will need to continue to monitor. 

 

In the advertising world, the FCC will be resolving its embedded advertising and product placement proceeding, where some “public interest” groups have advocated a total ban on such advertising, while others have suggested immediate sponsorship identification, through a crawl or superimposed caption, of any product for which consideration has been paid for its inclusion. The related issue of video news releases – whether stations have to identify on-air anything given them at no charge (e.g. a script, video footage, etc.) before its inclusion into a news report – will also likely be resolved. Some have also suggested that the Commission may be planning some adjustments to its payola rules, though what those changes would be, and how they would improve on the current rules, is hard to fathom. We’ve also written about the FTC’s recent actions on sponsorship identification (especially for the new media) and celebrity endorsements, obligations that are only now being fully implemented.

 

There is also real concern that the Congressional committees which oversee the FCC may well push proposals for content regulations. Issues on limits on prescription drug advertising have been raised both independently and as part of the health care debate. Proposals on restrictions on violent programming and on advertising directed to children are also possible, especially in connection with ads for food considered unhealthy (however that may be defined). Congress also seems poised to pass a law regulating loud commercials – mandating that the volume on commercials be kept the same as that in programming, no matter how hard (and in some cases subjective) that may be to assure in reality.

 

Protecting children from violent or other potentially harmful content has also been the subject of both FCC and FTC proceedings, which may spur further actions this year.  Indecency issues will also continue to be litigated in the Courts, as both the Janet Jackson clothing malfunction and the Golden Globes fleeting expletive cases are considered after their remand by the Supreme Court.  The constitutional issues left unresolved by the Supreme Court may well be considered by the Courts of Appeals rehearing these cases, though an ultimate decision on the constitutional issues are probably several years down the road when these cases finally make their way back to the Supreme Court (so look for indecency on our list of issues next year).

 

And 2010 will be a big political broadcasting year.  While the political broadcasting rules have for the most part remained unchanged for almost two decades, there are aspects of the rules that need to be addressed as the technology has changed since the current rules were adopted. The FCC has a long-outstanding proceeding to decide how on-line sales of broadcast inventory by various advertising clearinghouses and aggregators affect a station’s lowest unit rate. It’s interesting that the proceeding itself has outlasted most of the companies that were offering the on-line sales of broadcast inventory.  Also, as both radio and TV are now multicasters in the digital world, the FCC has not yet addressed how reasonable access and other political rules apply to multicasting.  Are a station's multiple streams each considered a separate “station” for reasonable access purposes, or can a station decide that candidates can be accommodated on one or more streams and kept off of others.  While this may not be a big issue in this election as most multicast audiences are small, the issue will no doubt grow in significance in future elections. 

 

Copyright issues could also impact the broadcast industry this year. We discussed the performance royalty above.  But both radio and television have outstanding issues on their ASCAP and BMI royalties that could lead to rate court proceedings to decide what should be paid to composers for the use of their music.  And TV broadcasters have brought a suit against SESAC to try to bring it under the antitrust laws, a suit that radio broadcasters may well consider joining at some point in the future, 

 

Conclusion 

 

Just a cursory look at the broadcast issues to be dealt with by Washington this year is enough to give any broadcaster pause about the future.  And these are just some of the issues that could impact broadcasters.  Broadband rollout, network neutrality, and regulation of wireless and wired carriers can fundamentally affect the competitive landscape for the media in general.  And there are a whole host of other regulatory issues that we have not addressed here, including some that we have no idea are on the agenda but which are nevertheless bound to arise. In an industry rapidly adapting to new media competition and changes in the economy, broadcasters cannot afford to face the heavy hand of government regulation.  Broadcasters need the freedom to adapt to marketplace changes and to address the new realities of the advertising supported media. One can only hope that Washington recognizes these new realities and regulates with a realistic hand, not one based on the realities of a totally different time and place.  Stayed tuned to these pages to see what develops in this new year.

Early Flap in Illinois Senate Race Reminds Broadcasters that They Cannot Censor Candidate Ad

The 2010 political broadcasting season is off to a fast start, with a controversy already erupting in connection with the Illinois Senate race to fill the seat once held by President Obama.  Illinois has one of the first primaries in the nation for the 2010 election, to be held on February 2, 2010.  In that race, Andy Martin, one of the Republican candidates for the open Senate seat that will be vacated by Senator Burris, is reportedly running ads on radio in Illinois stating that the front-runner for the Republican nomination, Mark Kirk, is rumored to be gay, and has many gay staffers, and asking that Kirk clear up questions about his sexuality.  Many stations in Illinois have expressed concern about running an ad from a fringe candidate in the race that makes such a controversial allegation.  Stations that are concerned need to remember that an ad by a legally qualified candidate cannot be censored once a station has agreed to sell time to the candidate.  As we've written previously, if the attacking candidate is legally qualified for a place on the primary ballot, as news reports indicate that he is in the Illinois case, then stations cannot censor that ad - and have to run it with these attacks on the front-running candidate, even if the stations do not like the message. 

The Chicago Tribune story about this controversy quotes me as stating that stations can censor a candidate ad if the ad violates a Federal felony statute.  That caveat was added to FCC policy when it was feared that Larry Flint was going to run for Federal political office and run campaign ads that might test the limits of obscenity laws.  More importantly, however, stations should recognize that, because they cannot censor an ad by a candidate's authorized campaign, the station itself has no liability for the contents of that ad.  The candidate may be sued for libel or defamation (which has occurred in other cases), but the station itself should be immune from liability as it has no choice but to run the ad or violate Federal election laws.  Stations do, however, have the ability to put disclaimers on ads - stating that they are political messages that cannot be censored and do not necessarily reflect the views of the station, but these disclaimers should be applied to all candidates for the same race equally.

For this protection from liability for the contents of a candidate ad to apply, stations do need to make sure that the ad is a "use" under FCC rules, i.e. it contains the recognizable voice or picture of the candidate.  The ad also needs to have the required sponsorship identification.

The kind of issue that is raised by this ad can be particularly troublesome in connection with ads for Federal candidates, who have a right of reasonable access.  Reasonable access means that commercial broadcast stations must provide access to all dayparts to Federal candidates who want to buy time.  Thus, we've dealt with situations where white supremacists have qualified for a place on the ballot in a Congressional race and wanted to run racist ads - and stations have had to allow it.  While this may seem like a bad outcome, it does make sure that stations cannot block unpopular viewpoints from being aired so that all points of view can be expressed by political candidates.  Thus, while individual cases may result in ugly situations, the overall purpose of encouraging diverse political speech is achieved by the rules.

Stations do need to note that ads by third parties - e.g. political parties, labor unions, interest groups, or rich individuals interested in the process - are not subject to the no censorship rule.  Thus, as ads by these third party groups can be rejected by stations based on their content, stations have theoretical liability for the content of these ads if they are defamatory.  See our post on this subject here.

The political broadcasting rules are complex and confusing.  The Davis Wright Tremaine guide to the political broadcasting rules can be found here.  But stations faced with these issues should consult with counsel for specific guidance on any specific situation that may develop.  Make those contacts now, as 2010 is likely to be a long political year with many controversies yet to come. 

 

The 2010 Political Season Starts Early - Texas Association of Broadcasters Webinar on Political Broadcasting

The 2010 political broadcasting season is almost upon us, with Texas leading the way.  With the first 2010 primaries on March 2, candidates in Texas are already in windows during which they need to file the paperwork to qualify for a place on the primary ballot.  Once they qualify for that ballot spot, they become "legally qualified candidates" in the eyes of the FCC, triggering reasonable access (for Federal candidates) and equal opportunities requirements.  Soon after, broadcast stations in Texas need to start according lowest unit rates to candidates (Federal, state and local) in the primary - such rates to start on January 16.  To help broadcasters prepare for the primary and the rest of the election season, David Oxenford and Bobby Baker, the head of the FCC's Office of Political Programming, conducted a webinar for the Texas Association of Broadcasters on December 2, 2009, originating from the TAB offices in Austin.  The PowerPoint slides used in the presentation is available here.  The Davis Wright Tremaine Political Broadcasting Guide that forms that basis of the TAB's political guide can be found here.

Texas will have an unusually active political season, with a primary election for Governor, where the State's sitting Governor's re-election is being challenged in his own party by one of the state's US Senators.  Races for the Texas State legislature will also likely be a hotbed of activity as the state will be electing the legislators who preside over Congressional redistricting after the 2010 census - a process that was particularly controversial in Texas after the last census.  Given the likely level of activity, broadcasters in Texas need to immediately start planning for the 2010 election and the obligations that it imposes on broadcasters.   And broadcasters in the rest of the country should similarly be preparing, as these same issues will be arising for them very soon, and advertising sold now could well have an impact on their political rates later in 2010 (see information about the webinar that David and Bobby conducted for 13 other state broadcast associations here). 

David Oxenford and FCC's Bobby Baker Prepare Broadcasters for 2010 Elections with Webinar on Political Broadcasting Rules

On November 10, Davis Wright Tremaine's David Oxenford and Bobby Baker, the head of the FCC's Office of Political Broadcasting, conducted a webinar on the FCC's political broadcasting rules and policies.  The webinar originated from Lansing, Michigan, before an audience of Michigan Broadcasters, and was webcast to broadcasters in 13 other states.  Topics discussed included reasonable access, equal opportunities, lowest unit charges, and political sponsorship identification and public file rules. 

Seminar participants were provided with Davis Wright Tremaine's Political Broadcasting Guide, available here.  The PowerPoint presentation used in the seminar is available here.

 

Reminder: Equal Time and Lowest Unit Rate Rules Apply to State and Municipal Elections

While it seems like we just finished the election season, it seems like there is always an election somewhere.  We are still getting calls about municipal and other state and local elections that are underway.  And broadcasters need to remember that these elections, like the Federal elections that we've just been through, are subject to the FCC's equal time (or "equal opportunities") rule.  The requirement that lowest unit rates be applied in the 45 days before a primary and 60 days before a general election also apply to these elections.  "Reasonable access," however, does not apply to state and local candidates - meaning that stations can refuse to take advertising for state and local elections (unlike for Federal elections where candidates must be given the right to buy spots in all classes and dayparts on a station), as long as all candidates for the same office are treated in the same way. So stations can take ads for State Senate candidates, and refuse to take ads for city council, or restrict those ads to overnight hours, as long as all candidates who are running against each other are treated in the same way.

One issue that arises surprisingly often is the issue of the station employee who runs for local office.  An employee who appears on the air, and who decides to become a candidate for public office, will give rise to a station obligation to give equal opportunities to other candidates for that same office - free time equal to the amount of time that the employee's recognizable voice or likeness appeared on the air.  While a station can take the employee off the air to avoid obligations for equal opportunities, there are other options for a station.  See our post here on some of those options.

So stations need to remember that they do have political broadcasting obligations for elections that may occur in their towns, cities, counties and states this year.  See the Davis Wright Tremaine Political Broadcasting Guide for more information about these issues.

Broadcasters Prohibited From Censoring a Candidate's Ad

As we enter the waning days of this election season, where some candidates get more desperate and the attack ads get sharper, broadcasters are often faced with requests that they pull an ad created by a candidate.  Claims are made that the ad contains untrue claims about an opponent or that the ad contains copyrighted material used without permission.  What is a station to do?  When the ad is an ad purchased by a candidate or their authorized committee, and contains a "use" by the purchasing candidate (a use being a spot where the purchasing candidate's voice or likeliness appears on the spot) the broadcaster is forbidden from censoring that ad.  Essentially, that means that the candidate can say just about anything in their ad (as long as it does not violate a Federal felony statute), and the FCC's rules prohibit the broadcaster from refusing to air the ad based on its content.  But, because the station cannot censor the ad, it has no liability for the contents of that ad.  This is in contrast to ads by third parties (e.g. advocacy groups, unions, political parties and others not specifically authorized by the candidate), where the broadcaster theoretically has liability for the content of a political ad (see our post on that subject, here).

Two recent cases illustrate the issue.  In one, according to press reports, in a race for the sole seat in the House of Representatives representing the state of North Dakota, one candidate has claimed that the ads of the other misrepresent the positions of that candidate.  The candidate being attacked has asked that the spots be pulled from the air, while the candidate running the spots has refused to pull them.  Even if requested by the candidate being attacked, and even if the ad is in fact false, broadcasters cannot pull one candidate's ad if that candidate wants to continue to run it.

In another story about a race in New York, one candidate has argued that the spot of another violates copyright law by using recorded material created by another without permission.  While the candidate who created the ad argues that he had a right to use the clip under the "Fair Use" doctrine, even if he did not, a station could not pull the ad, and would not be liable for any copyright liability that might attach.  Note that the answer might be different if the ad was posted on the station's website (where the no censorship rules does not apply), or if the ad was sponsored by a third party group rather than the candidate himself.

This is not to say that the candidate being defamed, or the copyright holder whose material is being improperly appropriated, has no remedy for an objectionable candidate ad.  But that remedy is against the candidate sponsoring the ad, not against the station that broadcasts it.  While suits against a candidate or that candidate's campaign committee are rare, they are theoretically possible. 

One last note, these rules apply to both Federal and state and local candidates.  While broadcast stations have no "reasonable access" obligation to sell time to state candidates, once they do, the no censorship rule applies.  More information on this subject and on other political broadcasting issues can be found in Davis Wright Tremaine's Political Broadcasting Guide.

Obama Buys A Half Hour of Time on Broadcast Networks - What FCC Legal Issues are Involved?

Press Reports (such as this one) have stated that the Obama campaign has purchased half-hour blocks of time on at least NBC and CBS to broadcast a political infomercial to be aired at 8 PM Eastern time on October 29.  Some reports indicate that other broadcast and cable networks will also be broadcasting the same program.  Did the networks have to sell him the time?  In fact, they probably did.  Under FCC rules, Federal political candidates have a right of reasonable access to "all classes" of time sold by the station in all dayparts.  This includes a right to program length time, a right that was affirmed by the US Court of Appeals when the networks did not want to sell Jimmy Carter a program length commercial to announce the launch of his reelection bid.  Because of this right, the networks often had to sell Lyndon LaRouche half hour blocks of time to promote his perennial candidacy for President. 

How often do networks (or stations) have to make such time available?  They only have the right to be "reasonable." While what is reasonable has not been defined, the amount of time that will be requested will probably be limited by the cost of such time.  Even were it not limited by cost, the FCC would probably not require that a broadcaster sell such a prime time block more than once or twice during the course of an election - and given the late stage that we are in the current election, it seems unlikely that more than one such request would have to be honored during these last few weeks of the campaign.  Stations do not need to give candidates the exact time that they requested - so the rumored reluctance of Fox to sell this precise time to the Obama campaign because it might conflict with the World Series would probably be reasonable - if they offered him the opportunity to buy a half hour block at some other comparable time.   

Sometimes, networks or stations may not have problems with the sale of such time.  Remember the repeated appearances of Ross Perot, complete with flip charts, during his 1992 campaign?  If a station has not sold half hour blocks of time in that daypart during the election period, there is no lowest unit rate that applies to such sale.  The FCC has said that the station can set a reasonable fee for the time, plus the station can factor in an increase based on the lost revenue of the subsequent time period because of the likely loss of audience due to the tune-out factor that may result from viewers not interested in the political message.

Local stations are under no obligation (other than perhaps their contractual obligations to the network) to air these half hour political commercials.  That may be one of the reasons that we no longer see the LaRouche infomercials, as many local stations decided to preempt those programs.

Equal time of course applies to these purchases.  If a half hour is sold to one candidate, then other candidates need to be able to buy such a block.  For Federal candidates, this does not make much difference, as they have their own reasonable access rights.  But should a station choose to sell a half hour block to one state or local candidate (it would have no reasonable access requirement to do so), it would have to sell blocks to other candidates for the same office who can afford it and who could request it within 7 days of the first candidate's use.

Cable networks have no reasonable access requirement, so they do not need to sell time at all to Federal candidates, much less program length time.  There has also been some academic debate as to whether network cable is subject to the equal time rules (see our post here).  But, given rumbles heard out of the FCC when Fred Thompson started his campaign, cable networks should consider carefully the equal opportunities obligations that could apply in such situations.

All in all, lots of issues for a seemingly simple half hour political commercial.

 

Independent Groups Start Running Presidential Attack Ads - What Are the Legal Implications for Broadcasters?

The American Issues Project has recently started running a controversial new television ad attacking Barrack Obama for his connections to former Weather Underground figure William Ayers.  The text of the ad is reported here.  While reportedly some cable outlets (including Fox News) have refused to air the ad, numerous broadcast stations are also wondering what the legal implications of running the ad may be.  We have already seen many other attack ads being run by third-party groups - including political parties, long-standing activist groups like Move On.org, as well as from new organizations like American Issues Project which have seemingly been formed recently.  As the use of such ads will no doubt increase as we get closer to the November election, it is important that broadcasters understand the issues that may arise in connection with such ads under various laws dealing with political broadcasting.  Legal issues that must be considered arise not only under FCC rules, but also potentially in civil courts for liability that may arise from the content of the ad.  Broadcast stations are under no obligation to run ads by third party groups, and stations have a full right to reject those ads based on their content.  This is in contrast to ads by Federal candidates, who have a right of reasonable access to all broadcast stations, and whose ads cannot be censored by the stations.  As a candidate's ad cannot be censored, the station has no liability for its contents.  In contrast, as the station has the full discretion as to whether or not it will run a third-party ad, it could have liability for defamation or other liabilities that might arise from the content of such ads that it decides to accept and put on the air.  

The standards for proving defamation (libel and slander) of a public figure are high, but if the ad does contain some clearly false statements, the standard could in fact be met.   Basically, to have liability, the station needs to run an ad containing a false statement either knowing that the ad is untrue or with "reckless disregard" for the truthfulness of the statements made.  This is referred to as the "malice standard."  Essentially, once a station is put on notice that the ad may be untrue (usually by a letter from the candidate being attacked, or from their lawyers),  the station needs to do their own fact checking to satisfy themselves that there is a basis for the claims made or, theoretically, the station could itself be subject to liability for defamation if the claims prove to be untrue.  A few years ago, some TV stations in Texas ended up having to pay a candidate because they ran an ad by an attack group that was shown to contain false statements, and the ad was run even after the candidate complained that the statements were untrue.  These determinations are often difficult to make as the ad's creators usually have hundreds of pages of documentation that they say supports their claims, while the person being attacked usually has documentation to refute the claims.  Thus, the determination as to whether or not to run the ad is a decision that each station needs to make after consultation with their lawyers, and after careful review of the spot and the backing documentation.

The stations also need to comply with FCC rules.  First, the stations need to make sure that the ad has the required sponsorship identification identifying the true sponsor of the ad, in writing for at least 4 seconds at 4% of screen height.  Under FEC rules, there must also be a verbal identification of the sponsor.  In addition, the station needs to comply with all of the public file requirements.
 
For any request to a station by a third-party group asking to buy ads dealing with Federal candidates, the station's public file should contain the following information about each request:

1) The name of the group sponsoring the ad

2) Its principal officers or its directors

3) Whether the request to buy time was accepted or rejected

4) If the schedule was accepted, the date and approximate time the spots will run

5) The class of time purchased

6) The rate charged

7) The name of the candidate to which the ad refers

8) After the spots have run, the exact time the spots ran

More information about these rules and the other laws dealing with political broadcasting issues for broadcast stations can be found in our Political Broadcasting Guide

The Politcal Broadcasting Implications of An Olympic Ad Buy

According to press reports, the Obama campaign is contemplating an ad schedule during the upcoming Summer Olympics.  This raises the question of what political broadcasting rules would apply to such a buy.  The Olympics run from August 8 through 24, before the lowest unit rate window for political candidates.  Thus, the Obama campaign is not entitled to lowest unit rates.  Instead, the candidate would only be entitled to a "comparable rate" to what a commercial advertiser in a similar situation would receive.  The campaign would not get frequency discounts that a big Olympics sponsor might get, unless the campaign bought in the same frequency, or other discounts that may apply to larger advertisers.  But the reasonable access provisions of the rules do apply once you have a legally qualified candidate, so it would seem as if at least some political ads would have to be placed in the Olympic programming.  In various political seminars held throughout the country, when this question has been raised, the FCC representatives have consistently said that, given the fact that the Olympics run for such a long period, at least some access must be made available to Federal candidates who are willing to pay the price that the airtime commands.

During the Super Bowl, the Obama campaign bought time, but it was purchased on local stations, not on the network itself (see our post here).  Affiliates of NBC would also have reasonable access issues of their own, were the Obama campaign to approach them directly, or were some local Federal candidate to request time on their stations.  As these stations have less inventory during the Olympics than does the network, the amount of time that would have to be provided would be less (and a candidate need not be given access to the exact time spot that they might request - not everyone can get the coveted spots in certain high profile event's finals - as long as the access that they are given is reasonable under the circumstances).  But the access rules would apply -so at least some access would have to be given.  Note that in a few states with late primaries for Congress and the Senate, it is possible that there would be Federal candidates entitled to lowest unit rates, even during the Olympics.  State and local candidates, however, have no right of access, so stations would not have to sell them time in the Olympics.

It is interesting to note that Senator Obama will not officially be the Democratic candidate during the Olympics, as the Democratic Convention will not occur until immediately after the Olympics conclude.  Certainly, the primaries are over.  Is Obama really a legally qualified candidate before the Convention?  Seemingly, at that point, he is still a candidate for the nomination and, having made a"substantially showing" that he is a candidate in 10 states, under FCC rules he would be qualified in all states. So, whether as a candidate for the nomination or for the general election, it would seem that the reasonable access rules would apply.  So we may well have a Little politics with our sports this summer - rather than having one following on the heels of the other.

For more on the law of Political Broadcasting, check out our Political Broadcasting Guide

On-Air Broadcast Stations Employees Who Run for Elective Office - Equal Time for Local Candidates

In the last few weeks, I've received several calls from broadcasters about on-air employees who have decided to run for local political office, and the equal time obligations that these decisions can create.  Initially, it is important to remember that equal opportunities apply to state and local candidates, as well as Federal candidates.  And the rules apply as soon as the candidate is legally qualified, even if the spot airs outside the "political windows" used for lowest unit rate purposes (45 days before a primary and 60 days before the general election).  For more information about how the rules apply, see our Political Broadcasting Guide.  In one very recent example of the application of these rules, a situation in Columbia, Missouri has been reported in local newspaper stories concerning a radio station morning show host who decided to run for the local elective hospital board.  To avoid having to give equal time to the host's political opponents, the station decided to take the employee off the air.  This was but one option open to the station, as set forth in the article, quoting the head of the Missouri Broadcasters Association, who accurately set out several other choices that the station could have taken. 

These choices for the station faced with an on-air host who runs for office include:

  • Obtain waivers from the opponents of the station employee allowing the employee to continue to do his job, perhaps with conditions such as forbidding any discussions of the political race.
  • Allow the candidate to continue to broadcast in exchange for a negotiated amount of air time for the opponents
  • Provide equal time to the opposing candidates equal to the amount of time that the host's voice was heard on the air (if the opponents request it within 7 days of the host being on the air)
  • Take the host off the air during the election

Other situations have also arisen concerning non-employees, running for office, who may work for another local station, for ad agencies, or for advertisers, but whose voice or picture appears on spots that run on a station.

The Commission's rules require equal opportunities where a candidate's "recognizable voice or image" appears on a broadcast station.  So, if an announcer with a recognizable voice decides to run for office, commercials featuring that voice become subject to the equal opportunities doctrine.  If that voice is on a PSA or station promotional announcement, for which no consideration is received by the station,opposing candidates who request it within 7 days, get equal time for free - and they can use it in connection with their campaign.  If the voice is on a paid commercial, the opposing candidate will probably have to pay for the equal time, though the opponent would get lowest unit rates during political window periods (even though the initial candidate's spot for a commercial advertiser was for full commercial rates).  As the equal time obligation to respond to paid spots is not for free, but instead only gives the opponent the right to buy time, stations might seem to have no reason to object to the initial candidate's voice on a spot.  However, that spot could force the station to sell time to candidates in a race in which the station might have otherwise have determined not to sell time.  Only Federal candidates have a right of reasonable access to broadcast stations.  Stations can choose whether or not to give state and local candidates access to their stations but, once they make the station available to one candidate, they must make it available to all candidate for the same office.  Thus, a station may have decided, for inventory control or other reasons, not to sell time to candidates for an office like hospital commissioner but, if one candidate's recognizable voice appears on an ad for a local car dealer, the other hospital commissioner candidates can request time within 7 days, and be entitled to purchase such time.

Stations also need to make notes in their public file of all "uses" of a station by a political candidate.  All of these appearances by on-air personnel who become candidates would be considered a use by a political candidate (even though they never mention their campaign), so they must be noted.  Clearly, there are many political broadcasting issues that must be considered when an employee runs for office - so stations should take care of observing those rules.

 

The Run-Up to Super Tuesday - Rush, the Super Bowl, Union Ads and an Hour on the Hallmark Channel

In the last few days before the Super Tuesday series of presidential primaries, efforts are being made across the political spectrum to convince voters to vote for or against the remaining candidates.  With Obama buying Super Bowl ads in many markets, Clinton planning a one-hour program on the Hallmark Channel the night before the primaries, Rush Limbaugh and other conservative radio host attacking McCain, and third-party interest groups and unions running ads supporting or attacking various candidates, a casual observer, looking at this media blitz, may wonder how all these efforts work under the rules and laws governing the FCC and political broadcasting.

For instance, sitting here watching the Super Bowl, I just watched a half-time ad for Barack Obama.  Did the  Obama campaign spring for one of those million dollar Super Bowl ads that we all read about?  Probably not.  It appears, according to press reports, that instead of buying a national ad in the Fox network coverage, the campaign purchased local ads in certain media markets.  And with reasonable access requirements under the Communications Act and FCC rules, he could insist that his commercial get access to the program as all Federal candidates have a right of reasoanble access to all classes and dayparts of station programming.  Moreover, the spot would have to be sold at lowest unit rates.  While those rates are not the rates that an advertiser would pay for a spot on a typical early Sunday evening on a Fox program, they still would be as low as any other advertiser would pay for a similar ad aired during the game.  In this case, by buying on local stations, at lowest unit rates, his campaign apparently made the calculation that it could afford the cost, and that the exposure made it not a bad deal.

On Monday night, the Clinton campaign has purchased an hour long block of time on the Hallmark cable channel to cover a town hall meeting.  Cable, unlike over-the-air broadcasting, is not subject to reasonable access requirements , so there was no obligation for the channel to sell time to the campaign.  And for network cable, it is still an open question as to what other FCC political rules apply.  The Commission recently went out of its way to avoid answering whether the equal opportunities rules apply to network cable by deciding that CNN did not violate the equal time rules by denying Dennis Kuchinich an opportunity to participate in a recent debate (see our summary of the case here).  From the lengths that the Commission went to in avoiding providing a direct answer to the question of whether equal opportunities applies to network cable programs, it could almost be inferred that, if push came to shove, the FCC would ultimately apply these rules if it could not otherwise avoid the issue.  But even if the rules applied, the sale of the programming block to the Clinton campaign would just give the Obama campaign the right to buy an hour of time, which it may or may not want.  And what rates would apply?  Applying the rules used for broadcast stations, if hour long blocks of time are not customarily sold by a network, the network could charge a reasonable amount, including a mark-up for lost audience in following time periods, according to recent FCC statements about the sale of block programming.

Around the country, in anticipation of the voting, third party groups including labor unions and other advocacy organizations are running ads supporting or opposing candidates.  These ads are not entitled to lowest unit rates (which are for candidates only), and stations need not sell time to these groups if they do not want to (reasonable access also applies only to candidates).  If a station does sell time to these groups, is there a requirement that a station sell time to supporters of both sides?  That is an open question.  While the FCC did away with most of the "Fairness Doctrine" over a decade ago, there is still a last thread of that doctrine that has never been officially abolished - the "Zapple Doctrine."  That doctrine was essentially equal time for supporters of a candidate - if a station sold time to the supporters of one candidate, it had to sell that time to the supporters of the other.  While the doctrine has not been applied in the last two decades, it has not been explicitly overruled so, if a station refused to sell to supporters of one side, the FCC might be forced to deal with that issue.

In fact, would that doctrine come into play in connection with the radio talk show hosts that are overtly partisan on the air?  According to press reports, many of the conservative radio talk show hosts have been aggressively anti-McCain in their programs.  As there are usually no appearances by the candidates on these programs, there are no equal opportunities issues, as equal opportunities is triggered only by the actual appearance of a candidate.  But could the Zapple Doctrine apply?  Traditionally, that doctrine applied to the purchase of time.  However, four years ago, when certain television stations thought about airing the "documentary" from the Swift Boat veterans attacking John Kerry, the Kerry campaign argued that the supporters of the Kerry campaign were entitled to free time under the Zapple Doctrine.  That case never reached a decision as the stations dropped their plans to air the film, but it remains an open issue (though more than a bit of a long-shot as it would seemingly render the abolition of the Fairness Doctrine meaningless, and raise significant First Amendment issues).

For more discussion of the FCC rules regulating broadcasters and political broadcasting, click on the Political Broadcasting subject heading on the right of this page, and read our Political Broadcasting Guide.  And watch for more discussion of political issues, as they arise, here.

Understanding Political Broadcasting - Questions and Answers About the Law, Rules and Policy Governing Broadcasters In an Election Year

The FCC's political broadcasting rules can seem impenetrable and ever-changing, yet the same basic rules have been in place for well over a decade, with only minimal changes in the sponsorship identification and public file requirements mandated by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002. With a little attention, memorization, and a guide to the rules, the basics of the political rules can be deciphered.  We have put together a Guide to the Political Broadcasting Rules, to help explain these basics.  Our Guide presents information in a Question and Answer format, in Sections explaining various topics involved in the political broadcasting area.  These Sections are:

• The Basics—Speak the Language
• Preparing for an Election—What to Worry About in Pre-election Periods
Reasonable Access—Deciding Which Candidates Can Buy Time
Equal Opportunities—Treating Competing Candidates Alike
No Censorship and Third-Party Ads—What Responsibility Do Stations Have for Content
Lowest Unit Charges—How Much Money Can You Charge for Political Spots
Sponsorship Identification and BCRA Requirements
Public File and Disclosure Statements
• Conclusion—Questions and Resources

The rules essentially require broadcasters to sell rock-bottom priced spots to transient advertisers, who are often the least familiar with broadcast sales practices, yet demand the most time and attention from station sales representatives. Consequently, broadcasters end up getting the least money for spots that take the most time to sell.   And these spots often cause the most heartache, since there is always the threat of FCC enforcement action or  worries about the cost of attorneys to help avoid getting the rules wrong.   Our guide is meant to provide some basic guidelines to help broadcasters identify the most common issues that arise during the election season.  For the complete guide, click here.

 
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