Gazing Into the Crystal Ball - What Washington Has In Store For Broadcasters in 2011

Every year, about this time, I dust off the crystal ball to offer a look at the year ahead to see what Washington has in store for broadcasters.  This year, like many in the recent past, Washington will consider issues that could fundamentally affect the broadcast industry - for both radio and TV, and affecting the growing on-line presence of broadcasters.  The FCC, Congress, and other government agencies are never afraid to provide their views on what the industry should be doing but, unlike other members of the audience, they can force broadcasters to pay attention to their views by way of new laws and regulations. And there is never a shortage of ideas from Washington as to how broadcasters should act.  Some of the issues discussed below are perennials, coming back over and over again on my yearly list (often without resolution), while others are unique to this coming year.  Issues unique to radio and TV, and those that could affect the broadcast industry generally, are addressed below.

Television Issues

Spectrum issues have been the dominant TV concerns in past years, first with the digital transition, and more recently with the "white spaces" rulemaking and the proposals advanced as part of the FCC's Broadband Plan to reclaim part of the TV spectrum for wireless broadband uses.  These issues remain on the FCC's agenda, as do new issues dealing with the carriage of television stations by cable and satellite television providers.  Specific issues for TV include:

Spectrum reclamation:  The initial proposals for the reclamation of part of the TV spectrum for wireless broadband were laid by the FCC's Notice of Proposed Rulemaking released in November, looking at how the TV spectrum could be used more efficiently, and how incentive auctions encouraging some TV stations to vacate their channels could be conducted.  Congress still has to pass legislation to allow such auctions, and it will probably also mandate a spectrum inventory to determine if the reclamation of the TV spectrum is really necessary to provide for wireless broadband needs.  At the same time, some TV operators have begun to talk about television stations themselves providing broadband service with their excess spectrum.  While Congress will probably act on the auction bills this year, and there will be much debate about the details of the reallocation issue, so don't expect final resolution of this matter in 2011.

White Spaces:  The FCC has authorized the operation of wireless devices in the television spectrum, resolving many of the concerns about interference to television operators by requiring all wireless users to protect operating TV channels in specific areas based on databases of existing users, not on spectrum sensing techniques.  But implementation issues still need to be worked out - including finding parties to compile and administer the databases to make sure that all existing spectrum users who are to be protected are registered.  Expect action on these matters this year, but no actual white spaces use until after these implementation efforts are completed.

LPTV Digital Transition:  While many members of the general public may consider the digital television transition to be complete, many Low Power TV stations and TV translators are still operating in analog.  The FCC has commenced a proceeding to require the transition of these stations to digital, suggesting that the transition be complete as early as the end of 2012.  Expect controversy on this issue.  Many LPTV stations feel that being forced incur the costs to covert to digital is premature and could imperil broadcast service, especially to rural areas and minority populations who rely on translators and LPTV stations, if spectrum repacking caused by any future repurposing of TV spectrum for broadband forces further technical changes.  These issues will be considered by the Commission this year.

Retransmission Consent Reform:  At the end of 2010, there was much controversy over retransmission consent issues, as there were instances where broadcasters and cable operators and other multichannel video programming distributors had difficult negotiations over the carriage fees to be paid to the TV stations.  FCC sources stated at the end of the year that a proceeding will be initiated to determine if the rules governing the negotiation process should be changed.  The multichannel video programming distributors and some public interest groups argue that the FCC should protect viewers who may have their TV service disappear if a TV station does not reach a deal with a MVPD, while the broadcasters argue that the ability to remove the station is the heart of the negotiation, and removing the risk of the MVPD losing the right to carry the station would negate the negotiation.  Look for this proceeding to commence early in the year but, as it will no doubt be very controversial, it may take some time to resolve.

DMA Boundary Issues:  The FCC has also begun a proceeding to look at DMA boundaries that cross state lines to see if every television viewer should be guaranteed to receive service from cable or satellite providers of a station in his or her state.  Television stations fear that this guarantee could upset traditional television markets, and could have an impact on retransmission consent negotiations in border counties.  Comments in this proceeding are due on January 24th, 2011.

Radio Issues

Radio has fewer unique issues on the front burner in Washington, but at least one is of incredible significance - the performance royalty.  Here are some of the issues facing radio broadcasters:

Performance Royalty:  Even though the performance royalty will have to start from scratch in the new Congress after dying in the Congressional session that just ended (despite having cleared both the House and Senate Judiciary committees for the first time), advocates of the royalty have made clear that they will be pushing on this bill again in the new session of Congress which began this week.  Look for the settlement talks with the NAB to restart now that everyone has returned from their holidays.  As with most issues, this is not an easy one, as the NAB put what many broadcasters thought was its best deal on the table in the Fall, only to have that deal rejected out of hand by the pro-royalty forces.  So don't look for any quick resolution of the issues this year. 

LPFM/FM Translator Issues: At the very end of 2010, Congress passed the long-delayed legislation clearing LPFM stations to operate on channels that are third-adjacent to full power FM operations.  Look to the FCC to adopt rules to implement this legislation, and to finally resolve the issues of what to do with the FM translators left from the 2003 translator window.

General Broadcast Issues

There are numerous issues before the FCC that affect both radio and television broadcasters, some of which have been pending for many years, ripe for resolution, while others are raised in proceedings that are just beginning.  These include:

Multiple Ownership Rules Review:  Last year, the FCC issued its Notice of Inquiry to start its Quadrennial Review of the FCC's ownership rules.  Broadcasters hope that the FCC looks at the relaxation of small market duopoly rules for television and the sub-caps (limiting the number of AM and FM stations that one party can own) for radio, while some public interest groups are seeking tighter rules on ownership, including potentially cracking down on shared service agreements in television.  While the FCC had hoped to have this proceeding close to resolution by this point, the Commission has yet to even issue a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking setting out specific proposals, as certain academic studies on which the FCC planned to rely in making conclusions about the media marketplace, have been delayed.  Delay in resolving ownership issues should  really not be a surprise, as the appeals of the 2003 FCC decision revising the ownership rules, and of the FCC's decision in 2007 slightly relaxing the broadcast-newspaper cross-ownership rules, are still pending.  Look for more action in this proceeding, though probably no decision, this year.

Localism Rules and the Future of Media:  FCC's proposals to impose specific rules on how broadcasters serve the public interest, advanced in its "localism proceeding," are over 5 years old.  The rules that it adopted for television stations mandating on-line public files and detailed reporting on the quantity of news, public affairs, local programming, civic programming , election programming, independently produced programming and many other categories of programing, were adopted over 3 years ago, but have never become effective.  Some had thought that the FCC might be spurred to final action on some of these proposals after its special task force on the Future of Media issued its report as to how media should best serve the needs and interests of residents of their communities.  That report was supposed to have been issued by the end of 2010.  Obviously, that target was not met, so the consideration of all the localism issues seem to be stalled.  But don't be surprised to see that report in the first part of this year, spurring more FCC discussion about these issues - though probably in the form of further comments on the meaning of the report and the impact of its findings on these pending proceedings. 

EEO Rules:  The FCC recently issued some fines for EEO violations by broadcasters, but there are fundamental issues about the FCC's policies that have not been addressed in the 7 years since these rules were first adopted.  Proposals to extend the rules to part time employees, and to require the filing of FCC Form 395 (the form that classifies all employees by race and gender), are still pending.  Also pending are proposals sought in requests for reconsideration of the adoption of the EEO rules that would make the EEO rules comport with today's reality - such as the proposals to allow Internet-based EEO recruiting.  More recently, minority organizations suggested that the enforcement of the rules be suspended until they could be made tougher, as these organizations did not believe that the rules were sufficiently stringent to encourage diversity in the broadcast workforce.  Maybe this will be the year that some of these outstanding issues are finally resolved.

Political Rules:  As more and more money makes its way into the broadcast marketplace for political advertising following the Supreme Court's Citizens United decision, some have suggested that a comprehensive review of the FCC's political rules is in order.  These rules were last reviewed almost 20 years ago, and since then, there have been major campaign reform acts (e.g. the McCain-Feingold campaign reform act or BCRA), and significant Supreme Court decisions repealing portions of that Act.  Sales practices at broadcast stations have also changed, and the FCC has a long-outstanding proceeding on how Internet-based ad sales of remnant broadcast advertising inventory affect lowest unit rates.  With this being an off year before what will no doubt be a huge political year in 2012, if the FCC is going to review the political rules, this would be the time that it should be done.

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Many other issues may be decided through Court actions.  We just saw a ruling on indecency issues this week, and the appeals on that subject may well bring the issue back to the Supreme Court.  So expect more thrashing about on indecency this year, as a final court decision will likely be some ways down the road. 

While not really DC issues, copyright proceedings to determine ASCAP and BMI rates for both radio and TV could also be important.  Renewing old agreements or, particularly for radio, the potential reduction of obligations for music royalties to these organizations, are likely to be the subject of litigation that will take place this year.  Noncommercial broadcasters may also have to asses these issues, as the Copyright Royalty Board has just issued a notice commencing a proceeding to decide the royalties paid ASCAP, BMI and SESAC by noncommercial broadcasters for the next 5 years.

With their online activities becoming more and more important to broadcasters, actions that could affect advertising and on-line programming become ever more important.  One of the major areas likely to be considered this year that could affect online businesses is in the area of privacy regulation.  Both the FTC and the Commerce Department recently issued proposals for privacy regulation (see summaries of these reports from our firm's Broadband Law Advisor Blog, here and here), and Congress has been considering this area as well.  Look for more action here, and assess its potential impact on Internet advertising, recommendation software and other business practices. 

These are but some of the legal and regulatory issues that will be facing broadcasters in the upcoming year.  Each year, we make these predictions, and there are always numerous other issues arise that we did not anticipate.  So watch the trade press and the pages of this blog to see what trouble Washington can make for broadcasters as this year progresses.

What to Do With Cease and Desist Letters About Political Ads

My station received a cease and desist letter for a third party political ad.  What should we do?  This is a question we hear more than ever these days from both broadcasters and cable operators.  As we previously advised, this is not unexpected following the Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United, which allowed third party money to be used freely for political advertising on behalf of candidates for federal office.

Of course, if the ad is a "use," meaning that it contains the recognizable voice or image of the candidate sponsoring the ad, Section 315 of the Communications Act provides absolute immunity to broadcasters and cable operators for anything said in the ad.  But most of the cease and desist letters relate to third party ads attacking candidates that are not "uses" exempt from censorship under Section 315.  (The purely negative use of a candidate's voice or image is not a protected "use.")

Most of the cease and desist letters cite a 1961 FCC ruling titled Licensee Responsibility With Respect to the Broadcast of False, Misleading or Deceptive Advertising."  What those letters fail to mention is that this ruling concerned a Federal Trade Commission crackdown on false, misleading or deceptive commercial advertising.  It was unrelated to political advertising.

The cease and desist letter may also cite the 1950 Third Circuit opinion in Felix v. Westinghouse, which held that broadcast stations may be liable for defamation in the absence of a candidate "use."  There was nothing in that opinion hinting at media liability for political ads that are false and misleading but not defamatory.

Indeed, the FCC has actually made the following statement on multiple occasions:  "With respect to allegations of false and misleading statements by political candidates or their supporters, the Commission believes that the public interest will best be served through 'robust, wide-open' debate." citing the US Supreme Court decision in New York Times v. Sullivan.

Of course, the Commission has also been quick to point out that it "would be most concerned if substantial evidence were presented that a licensee had acted in bad faith or deliberately discriminated against a political candidate."

So, what is a broadcaster or cable operator to do with those cease and desist letters?  The best and safest course of action is to provide a copy of the letter to the ad's sponsor and ask for substantiation of the claims made in the ad.  That way, you have fulfilled your obligation to avoid having acted in bad faith or recklessly.

But do you need to pull the ad?  You might, but generally speaking, only if the ad is potentially defamatory.  Defamation is broadly defined as reputational harm, usually resulting from untrue statements alleging crime, fraud, dishonesty or immoral conduct.  Cease and desist letters arguing about a candidate's position on a particular bill or the effect of legislation are generally not alleging anything that would be considered defamatory, even if false.  These ads generally do NOT need to be pulled.  Similarly, cease and desist letters arguing that a political ad contains footage protected by copyright are likely to concern material protected by the law of fair use.

If, on the other hand, an ad alleges that a candidate committed a crime or other immoral act, it may be wise to consider pulling the ad pending receipt of substantiation for the claims made by the third party sponsor.  Truth is an absolute defense to defamation.  Broadcasters and cable operators face potential liability in running potentially defamatory ads, but only for for acting with actual malice or reckless disregard of the truth. 

The bottom line, however, is that most third party political spots do not make claims that are potentially defamatory.  The FCC and the First Amendment strongly support the airing of political viewpoints, even if those viewpoints are potentially false.  For the most part, there is no need to worry about threatening cease and desist letters regarding political ads, but it is always wise to get substantiation and to be more careful with ads that are potentially defamatory.

David Oxenford Conducts Webinar for Kansas Association of Broadcasters on FCC Political Broadcasting Rules

David Oxenford today conducted a webinar for the Kansas Association of Broadcasters on the rules for political advertising.  In addition to the elections for the US House of Representatives, Kansas has a race to fill a vacant US Senate seat, as well as elections for Governor and a whole host of state and local offices.  With an August primary and the November general election, the 2010 election season could be a busy one in the state.  David's presentation covered reasonable access, equal opportunities, lowest unit rates, FCC paperwork obligations and the other related issues that govern how broadcasters need to treat political candidates and other political advertisers.  The slides from David's presentation are available here.  Broadcasters should also refer to Davis Wright Tremaine's Political Broadcasting Guide for information about preparing for the upcoming campaign, and spotting legal issues that may arise during the election season.

David Oxenford and FCC's Bobby Baker Prepare Broadcasters for 2010 Elections with Webinar on Political Broadcasting Rules

On November 10, Davis Wright Tremaine's David Oxenford and Bobby Baker, the head of the FCC's Office of Political Broadcasting, conducted a webinar on the FCC's political broadcasting rules and policies.  The webinar originated from Lansing, Michigan, before an audience of Michigan Broadcasters, and was webcast to broadcasters in 13 other states.  Topics discussed included reasonable access, equal opportunities, lowest unit charges, and political sponsorship identification and public file rules. 

Seminar participants were provided with Davis Wright Tremaine's Political Broadcasting Guide, available here.  The PowerPoint presentation used in the seminar is available here.

 

What Happens if a Federal Candidate's Commercial Does Not Have Proper Sponsorship Disclosure?

Failing to meet the obligations set out under the law for required sponsorship identification on Federal political ads could, theoretically, cost candidates significant amounts of money – if stations decide to hold the candidates to the letter of the law. Under the terms of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (“BCRA”), Federal candidates airing television commercials that refer to a competing candidate must specifically state, in the candidate’s own voice, that he or she has approved the ad, while a full-screen image of the candidate appears on the screen. In addition, the name of the sponsoring candidate’s campaign committee must appear in text on the screen for at least 4 seconds at 4 percent of screen height, with sufficient color contrast to make the text readable. If the proper identification is not contained in an ad, the candidates forfeit their right to lowest unit rates for the entire pre-election period (45 days before a primary or 60 days before an election), even with respect to future ads that comply with the rules. In recent days, representatives of Democratic Congressional candidates have reportedly filed complaints that argue that Republican competitors have not complied with the rules in several cases, as their written disclosures did not air for the full four seconds. The challengers argue that television stations must take away LUR for these candidates. While the statute say that the candidates forfeit their rights to such rates, the law is unclear as to whether stations are obligated to deny that rate to candidates after the right has been forfeited – and these cases could resolve this issue.

Television stations undeniably have the power to charge full rates to candidates whose ads have not complied with the requirements of the campaign statute. However, many stations have been reluctant to do so for minor infractions such as the ones identified in this complaint. Why wouldn’t television stations want to charge more money? For several reasons. First, denying one candidate lowest unit rates will no doubt trigger a fly-specking of every commercial by the competitor who filed the complaint against the first candidate, to try to trigger a forfeiture of the second candidate's right to Lowest Unit Rates, and adjudicating such complaints will no doubt make the station’s political sales process much more difficult and costly to administer. In addition, there is the question of whether, for a minor violation, a station really wants to give the other candidate a political advantage – especially if the candidate who gets charged more more wins the election and gets to vote on laws that may effect business in the future. But can stations legally continue to charge the lowest unit rate even when a candidate has not complied with the legal requirements for sponsorship identification?

The issue is really whether, by charging candidates the lowest unit rates when they have forfeited their rights to that rate, the stations are giving the candidates illegal campaign contributions – i.e. financial benefits from the station's corporate owners in the form of discounted rates. This is not the first time the issue has come up – in several past elections it has been brought to the Federal Election Commission who has, each time, tied in a 3-3 vote as to whether the practice was prohibited. Thus, the issue has remained unsettled. Television stations, and the candidates who have received the discounts, have argued that the candidates are not getting something at below market rates as, by definition, the LUR is the rate charged to the station’s best commercial customer.  Thus, that rate has been charged commercially and hence is not a “contribution” to the candidate, but is a service given for value. Those arguing on the other side contend that, in practice, candidates get benefits by being allowed to buy these spots at rates that most commercial clients could not obtain, and thus client’s are in fact getting a benefit.

 

For more information on the sponsorship identification requirements for political ads, see our Political Broadcasting Guide.  And watch these pages to see if the issues are resolved in time for this election, or if they will continue to be unresolved even if they reach the FEC once again.

Lowest Unit Rates for Political Candidates Begin on September 5; Get Answers to Political Broadcasting Questions from Our Political Broadcasting Guide

Political Broadcasting season is now in full swing, with the Democrats just ending their convention, and the Republicans beginning theirs next week.  Already, we've seen disputes about third party attack ads (see our post here), and there are bound to be many more issues about the FCC's political broadcasting rules that arise during what looks to be a very contentious political season.  For guidance on many political broadcasting issues, you can check out our Political Broadcasting Guide, with discussions of many common political broadcasting issues (including reasonable access, equal opportunities, lowest unit rates, public file issues, and political disclosure statements) in what we hope is an easy to follow question and answer format.   Broadcasters should also remember that the Lowest Unit Rate "political window" opens on September 5, meaning that stations cannot charge political candidates any more than the lowest rate that is charged a commercial advertiser for the same class of time run at the same time as the candidate's spot. 

We have reminded broadcasters that the Lowest Unit Rate (or "Lowest Unit Charge,"  often abbreviated as" LUC" or "LUR")must be available to all candidates for public office - including state and local candidates.  While state and local candidates have no right of reasonable access (meaning that a station can decide not to sell time to those candidates, or to restrict their purchase of time to particular limited dayparts), if the station sells state and local candidates time, it must be at Lowest Unit Rates during the political window. 

 Some of the other aspects of Lowest Unit Rates as discussed in our Political Broadcasting Guide:

 What is a class of time?

  

A class is a type of spot that has unique rights and characteristics. For instance, spots that run

in different dayparts which have different rates are of a different class, e.g. morning drive is a

different class from mid-day, which is different from afternoon drive. Each of those classes

would have its own lowest unit rate.

 

Even within a given daypart, a station may have spots of many different classes.  Basically, a spot is of a different class if it has different rights. Thus, in any daypart, there may be multiple classes of time, each with its own lowest unit rate. For instance, a preemptible spot would be of a different class than a fixed position spot each with a different lowest unit rate even if they both run during the same daypart. Different rotations can also be different classes with their own lowest unit rate, e.g. a spot which could run anytime between 6 a.m. and midnight could be a different class from one that can run between 6 a.m. and 6 p.m. If the stations sells these rotations, and sells them with differing rates, rights of preemption, or make good privileges, then they would be of a different class and each would have a different lowest unit rate. A candidate can buy spots of any of those classes at the lowest unit rate for that class, and he gets the same rights that commercial advertisers who buy that spot get (e.g. if the candidate buys spots in a 6 a.m. to midnight rotation, his spots are treated just like those of a commercial advertiser who buys those spots and they can run anywhere between those hours).

 

What commercial spots do you look at in determining the lowest unit rate for a given class

of time?

  

You look at the spots of that class running at the same time as the candidate s spots. You need

not look any further than those spots running (or being offered on a rate card) during the 45 days

before a primary or the 60 days before a general election. But even within the 45 and 60 day

periods, the rates can change. If, for instance, a long term package sets your lowest unit rate for a

particular class of time, and the last spot from that package is run midway through the political

window, after the last spot from the package runs, the rates for that class of time can go up for

the rest of the political window. Similarly, if spots are sold on a demand basis, the lowest unit

rate can change on an almost daily basis. If there are fire sales of spots during particular

periods within a window, the lowest unit charge for the fire sale does not set the rates for periods

outside of the fire sale period.

 

Do candidates have to buy in volume to get volume discounts?

 

No. Candidates get the benefit of all volume discounts, even if they do not buy in volume. For

instance, if spots are $10 each, or 12 for $100, the candidate can buy one spot for $8.33 (100

divided by 12) even though a commercial advertiser would have to spend $100 to get the volume

discount.

Check out the Guide for further information about these and other topics dealing with the law of political advertising.