Multiple Ownership Workshops Start to Identify Issues for Quadrennial Review - Shared Services Agreements and Local Origination To Be Focus of Public Interest Groups

What will be the issues that broadcasters need to be concerned about in next year's Media Ownership proceeding?  To get a clue, broadcasters should watch and listen to the second day of the FCC workshop on multiple ownership, featuring members of various public interest groups in Washington the week before last (watch it on the FCC website, here).  These workshops, as we wrote here, were held to start the process on the Commission's upcoming Quadrennial Review of the multiple ownership rules.   The representatives who testified on this panel discussed the issues that they thought should be reviewed, and facts that they thought should be collected, in order for the Commission to successfully complete the ownership review required by Congress.  As these Washington "insiders" are sure to be the ones filing comments in the proceeding and lobbying the Commission on the issues, the agenda of these organizations are likely to set the grounds for debate in the upcoming proceeding.  From watching this hearing, there are bound to be a number of contentious issues that will come up.

The panel was made up of representatives of five different Washington public interest groups - four that tend to favor more regulation and less consolidation.  The representative of the fifth organization, suggesting just the opposite - that in the new media world, little or no media ownership regulation is necessary.  While much of the discussion was process-oriented, there was discussion of specific issues that might come up in the review.  Both the process - which included extensive discussion of the need for detailed industry information for informed regulation to take place - and the substance could cause problems for broadcasters.  Substantive issues discussed included the need for more scrutiny of shared services agreements in the television world (as some saw these as a way of evading the FCC ownership regulations), and for ways to insure that there is more local programming as part of the process. One representative also mentioned the need to review noncommercial broadcasting as part of the ownership proceeding - which is usually restricted to a review of commercial operations.

The philosophical issue of whether or not regulation was necessary, and whether regulation can be accomplished in a manner that avoids constitutional issues, was a focus of much back and forth.  All panelists seem to concede that it was problematic for government to regulate content directly.  Several of the panelists suggested that the structural rules embodied in the multiple ownership restrictions were necessary to accomplish the ends that could not be directly mandated consistent with the First Amendment, like encouraging more local programming and more coverage of local issues.  Ken Ferree, the former head of the Media Bureau and now affiliated with the Progress and Freedom Foundation, asked some of the more regulatory-minded panelist how, if the purpose of this structural regulation was to accomplish goals that could not be directly mandated, could the indirect regulation be justified when done for a purpose that admittedly was prohibited.  That question did not seem to have a direct answer.

The Media Bureau representatives who were conducting the panel asked whether regulation should take into account the current economic conditions of broadcasting.  The more regulatory public interest members suggested that the current economic problems of broadcasters were not an intrinsic problem with the industry.  Instead, these representatives suggested that broadcasting, on a cash flow basis, was still a successful business, and that the current problems of broadcasters were due to their high debt loads.  Based on this belief, the representatives of several of the groups felt that, because broadcast owners had put themselves in the situation that they are in, the Commission should not concern themselves with their current economic plight when making regulatory decisions.  One panelist went so far as to say that, if broadcasters don't like the regulations that may be adopted, they don't have to operate under them - they can sell their stations or turn in their licenses.

While there is no doubt some truth to the contention that high debt burdens have caused some broadcasters current economic issues, it seems that these public interest representatives far understate the structural issues facing broadcasters.  We have written about the licenses for television stations which have been surrendered because there is no one who was willing to face the costs of the digital conversion, and of AM stations that simply can no longer make a go of their operations.  These are not imagined problems, or problems caused by debt burdens, but instead real economic issues that have caused stations to go dark and licenses to be surrendered due to changes in the media marketplace.

Several of the panelists suggested that the decisions made by the Commission be data driven - based on research and factual data.  However, many complained that sufficient data was no available to make the necessary determinations.  Suggestions on data accumulation included the Commission's rapid implementation of the Form 355 for television (which it has already been approved but not yet implemented) and for radio (where it was proposed as part of the localism proceeding).  There was other discussion about bringing back FCC Form 324, which required the reporting of annual financial information about the costs and revenues of broadcasters until the form was abolished in the early 1980s.  When asked about the paperwork burden of requiring this information, the suggestion was made that this was simply a cost of doing business in a regulated industry, and broadcasters needed to provide the information for the FCC to make good decisions.   Clearly, these individuals have never run a small market radio station, where such burdens can be crushing. 

These proposals don't reflect anything more than the views of the parties who were represented.  But, as referenced above, these are parties active in Washington and accustomed to dealing with the FCC.  They will be filing comments in the Quadrennial Review and lobbying the Commission on these matters.  And, from the fact that they were included on the panels, they have at least some attention of those within the FCC.  So broadcasters must note their concerns, and be prepared to respond to these issues when they are formally presented to the Commission. 

FCC Form 355 - A Form Without a Reason?

The FCC Form 355 requiring "enhanced disclosure" by television stations was a frequent topic of discussion at this week's NAB Convention in Las Vegas.  That form will require that television broadcasters report significant, detailed information about their programming, providing very detailed reports of the percentage of programming that they devote to news, public affairs, election programming, local programming, PSAs, independently produced programs and various other program categories, as well as specifics of each program that fits into these categories (see our detailed description of the requirements here).  Obviously, all broadcasters were concerned about how they would deal with the expense and time necessary to complete the forms, and the potential for complaints about the programming that such reports will generate.  At legal sessions by the American Bar Association Forum on Communications Law and the Federal Communications Bar Association, held in connection with the NAB Convention, it became very clear to me that the obligations imposed by these new rules are obligations adopted for absolutely no reason, as the Commission has not adopted any rules mandating specific amounts of the types of programming reported on the form.  In fact, one of the Commissioner's legal assistants confirmed that, unless and until the FCC adopts such specific programming requirements, the Commission's staff will not need to spend any time processing these forms.  Thus, if the form goes into effect, broadcasters will be forced to keep these records, and expend significant amounts of staff time and station resources necessary to complete the forms, for essentially no purpose.

Of course, public interest advocates will argue that the forms will allow the Commission to assess the station's operation in the public interest, and will allow the public to complain about failures of stations to serve local needs.  But, as in a recent license renewal case we wrote about here, the Commission rejected a Petition to Deny against a station based on its alleged failure to do much local public affairs programming as, without specific quantitative program requirements, the Commission cannot punish a station for not doing specific amounts of particular programming. If the Commission adheres to this precedent, it will not be able to fine stations for the information that they put on the Form 355, but only for not filing it or not completing it accurately.  Thus, unless the Commission adopts specific programming requirements, the form will be nothing more than a paperwork trap for the unwary or overburdened broadcaster.  And, as is usually the case with such obligations, the burden will fall hardest on the small broadcaster who does not the staff and resources to devote to otherwise unnecessary paperwork.

We are certainly not advocating the adoption of such programming requirements.  In fact, we believe that such standards would be constitutionally suspect and would end up forcing all stations into cookie-cutter images of each other - at a time when the plethora of media choices now available demands that each station adopt a targeted identity catering to the needs of a unique and specific audience.  And in tailoring its service to specific audiences, a station cannot be constrained by specific program percentages, as each audience may have the same needs - some will not sit still for traditional news and public affairs programming, while others will demand it.  Forcing all stations to provide the same program choices simply leaves some audiences unserved.  While this may be most evident in radio, television will adapt too as there are more and more outlets for video programming.   TV will have to seek out the niches at which it will direct its programming.  Mandating a specific percentage of news, public affairs, election coverage, religious programming or anything else simply will not serve the public's interest in receiving wide and diverse programming choices.  For the individual consumer, having the programming that he or she wants when they want it is more important than insuring that some percentage of that station's programming is made up of local news.

As one broadcaster observed to me, these rules may have made some sense when broadcasters were all mass market stations, providing "full service" programming to their communities.  That was a time when there were few media outlets in each market, and to maximize audience, each station had to try to serve all elements of the community.  Now, as broadcast stations compete against programming coming from cable, satellite, Internet, mobile and other platforms, there really are few if any full-service stations, particularly in large broadcast markets.  Even broadcasters themselves, as they adapt to the multicast opportunities that are presented by digital transmission, will provide more competition in a marketplace, and hasten the need for focusing on the superserving the needs of particular audiences.

For now, the NAB is challenging in Court the implementation of the Form 355.  How the Commission will justify its retreat from the deregulation of the 1980s when it admits that this form currently serves no regulatory purpose is hard to imagine.  In the interim, comments on the potential for the adoption of specific quantitative programming obligations, as part of the Localism proceeding (see our summary here), are due on April 28.  Broadcasters should file comments to make sure that the Commission understands the current competitive marketplace, and how their programming will be constrained if they were all forced to adhere to the same arbitrarily set programming obligations for various categories of various types of programming.  It is a crucial proceeding that could determine the future of the broadcast industry - be sure to participate.

You Can Force A Broadcaster to Program, But You Can't Make People Watch: Proposals for More License Renewal Obligations

Yesterday’s New York Times featured an article on its Opinion/Editorial page written by FCC Commissioner Michael Copps, suggesting that enforcement of the public interest obligations of broadcaster become more stringent. Commissioner Copps suggested that broadcasters needed to have their responsiveness to the needs of their community scrutinized more closely, and more often. Among other actions, the Commissioner suggested that license renewal period for broadcasters be shortened from the current eight year term, to once every three years – as well as a host of more stringent and specific programming obligations. Coming on the heels of the FCC’s proposal in the Further Notice of Proposed Rulemaking on Digital Radio (see our summary, here) to explore the local service of broadcasters through a checklist public file report quantifying their public interest service, as well as mandating more local program origination and a greater local presence for stations, local service seems to have emerged as a major issue of concern that may be played out in FCC proceedings in this year leading up to the 2008 Presidential election.

The Copps proposal to shorten license renewal terms back to the three years, and to stiffen the renewal process, asks that the FCC return to a system that required broadcasters to spend significant sums of money on administrative matters that could have better gone to broadcast operations. And the sums that used to be spent on license renewal applications had minimal real impact on the public interest.   While from time to time, broadcasters did run into scrutiny at renewal time, the vast majority of broadcasters’ applications were reviewed in a perfunctory manner and renewed – just as they are today. And with the Commission’s depleted resources that are already stretched thin, it seems unlikely that its staff would be able to provide much greater scrutiny to renewal applications that are filed more than twice as often as they are currently – more than doubling the workload of the already overburdened Commission staff.

While some renewal applications did receive more scrutiny during the 1980s, the Commissioner forgets the abuses that the process permitted.  The old license renewal process allowed the filing of applications by third parties which would propose that the third party would be able to better serve the public interest than the incumbent licensee who was filing for license renewal. In other words, a third party's paper promises were weighed against a licensee's past service to the public.  This often led to decade-long litigation battles for the renewal of station licenses in major markets around the country.  This process spurred the growth of a cottage industry of companies that would submit competing applications against license renewals, often settling at the end of the day for a private pay-off to walk away from their challenges and dismiss their applications.  While virtually none of these challenges were successful absent some significant other wrongdoing by a licensee, the process was extremely costly for licensees and it added an element of uncertainty to the renewal process which served to restrict financing available to the broadcast industry.  Who wanted to loan to an industry where the principal asset was subject to being revoked every three years?  While Commissioner Copps seems to suggest that it would be no big deal if more broadcasters lost their licenses for not adequately serving the public interest, in fact it would make it even harder for new entrants to the broadcast industry to obtain the financing necessary to enter the business.

Some of the specifics of the public interest obligations suggested in the editorial also seem to ignore the realities of today’s entertainment marketplace. For instance, the Commissioner suggests that broadcasters should be obligated to cover much of the party Presidential nominating conventions – even though these events have in recent years become little more than several days worth of commercials for the parties involved with little real drama, debate or presentation of much more than political platitudes. This suggestion seems to stem from the Commission’s concern 8 years ago when the Fox network covered a baseball playoff game instead of a Presidential debate. To me, when you have 3 other broadcast networks and numerous cable channels covering the debate, isn’t the public interest better served by providing diversity of programming? Unless we are prepared to mandate that every citizen watch Presidential debates or party conventions, mandating that all stations cover any particular event accomplishes nothing, as airing anything on every station can’t guarantee that everyone will watch. By lessening choice, you probably also contribute to a decrease in the ability of television stations to provide important information to the public, as you encourage those who don’t want to watch the event for which you mandate coverage to seek out other media, lessening television in the long run.

In fact, in today’s Washington Post, there is a story on how the audience for television news in decreasing for many reasons, including the other available media choices. In fact, as these other media choices increase, broadcast stations will, of necessity have to provide more local programming, as that is where they will differentiate themselves from the national programming that comes in from cable, satellite, Internet and other digital providers. It should be incumbent of the FCC to allow these stations to find their own way in this new media landscape, rather than having the government mandate what programming people will see on their televisions or hear on their radio. The government may be able to force certain programming to be available, but they can’t make people view it.  Until the government can make people watch “what’s good for them,” and make decisions as to exactly what that is, they should regulate with a very light hand.