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Now that the Democratic and Republican conventions are over and the candidates begin the final sprint to the November 6 elections, the political broadcasting season goes into overdrive. Effective last Friday, lowest unit rates are in effect. In this year which will probably break all records for political spending, is your station ready to comply with all of the political rules? We thought that we’d provide a series of articles on some of the basics of the FCC political broadcasting rules, to make sure that your station is prepared to deal with the most common issues that arise in a political season.  Today, as the lowest unit charges have just kicked in, we’ll hit some of the common questions that we get about these rates.  In coming days, we'll address other areas of the FCC's political rules.

Essentially, lowest unit charges guarantee that, in the 45 days before a primary and the 60 days before a general election, candidates get the lowest rate  in any class of advertising time for a spot in that class that is then running on the station. Candidates get the benefit of all volume discounts without having to buy in volume – i.e. the candidate gets the same rate for buying one spot as your most favored advertiser gets for buying hundreds of spots of the same class.  But there are so many other aspects to the lowest unit rates, and stations need to be sure that they get these rules right.

It is a common misperception that a station has one lowest unit rate, when in fact almost every station will have several – if not dozens of lowest unit rates. Even on the smallest radio station, there are probably several different classes of spots.  For instance, there will be different rates for spots that run in morning drive and spots that run in the middle of the night. For each of these time periods with different rates, that class of time has a different lowest unit rate. On television stations, there are often classes based not only on daypart, but even down to the individual program. Each rotation on the station is its own class, with its own lowest unit rates (e.g. a 6 AM to noon rotation is a different class than a 6 AM to 6 PM rotation, which is different from a 24 hour rotator – and each can have its own lowest unit rate). Even in the same time period, there can be preemptible and non-preemptible time, each forming a different class with its own lowest unit rate. Any class of spots that run in a unique time period, with a unique rotation or having different rights attached to it (e.g. different levels of preemptibility, different make-good rights, etc.), has a different lowest unit rate.

One question on which we’ve written many times before, is one that still comes up with surprising regularity – that is whether these rates apply to state and local candidates, as well as Federal candidates. Indeed they do – so if your station is running advertising for candidates for mayor or city council; or for governor or the state senate; or even for the board of education, municipal court judge, or state attorney general – they and any other candidate in any public election gets lowest unit rates. See our past articles on this topic here and here.

In this season where PACs, Super PACs and other non-candidate interest groups are buying much political advertising time, broadcasters need to remember that these spots don’t require lowest unit rates. Stations can charge these advertisers anything that the station wants – no need to stick to lowest unit rates.

We are hearing that stations are facing the one exception to the above paragraph, where political parties are requesting lowest unit charges. In some cases, parties may in fact be entitled to these rates – but only where they are using specific types of donations subject to political campaign limitations, and where the advertising purchases are authorized and “coordinated” with a candidate (and, in Federal races, where the spots make that coordination clear with the “I approved this message tag”). Not all party spots are entitled to this treatment – only this special class of coordinated expenditures – and stations are entitled to get written confirmation from the party or the candidate that the expenditures are coordinated under the election laws. If not coordinated, the parties get charged the same as any other third-party organization.

Various advertising sales packages, and how they are factored into lowest unit rate calculations, also seem to lead to many questions by broadcasters. Candidates cannot be forced to buy packages on stations to get low unit rates. Instead, the package must be broken down by the station into a price per spot.  That is done by allocating the package price to the various spots of each class that are contained in the package. Then the allocated rates, on a unit basis, are compared to other spots of the same class that have been sold on the station to determine if the spots from this package have any impact on the station’s lowest unit rates. This allocation is done in an internal station record, which does not need to go into the file, and does not need to be revealed to the candidate.  Other than the station, only the FCC will see it should they do some sort of inspection.  We wrote more about this process of allocating spots in a package here.

And these are just some of the myriad issues that arise in computing lowest unit rates. Stations need to be familiar with these rules, and apply them accurately through the remainder of the lowest unit rate window. Watch for our next installment on political broadcasting basics – when we write about equal opportunities.

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On March 16, David Oxenford spoke at a Continuing Legal Education Seminar on the FCC’s Political Broadcasting rules. The panel, sponsored by the Federal Communications Bar Association, included another attorney in private practice, an attorney from the NAB, Bobby Baker (the head of the FCC’s Political Broadcasting office), and a media time buyer for political candidates. The panel not only discussed the basic rules governing political advertising on broadcast stations, but also dealt with topics including the impact of the Citizen’s United case on FCC rules (see our post here on that topic), issues of what to do if a political spot contains objectionable content, and how stations should deal with complaints from candidates about the content of political ads. Many of these topics and others are discussed in the Davis Wright Tremaine Political Broadcasting Guide, available here.  The discussion also provided a useful reminder on certain aspects of the law regarding how much broadcast stations can charge political candidates for the purchase of advertising time on broadcast stations.

At the session, the political time buyer complained that broadcast stations were trying to charge political candidates premium prices for purchases of advertising time outside the “political window.” During the window, 45 days before a primary and 60 days before a general election, stations are required to charge candidates the “lowest unit rate” charged for any spot of the same class of time run on the broadcast station. Outside the window, broadcasters do not have to charge lowest unit rates but, as the buyer reminded the audience, they do still need to charge “comparable rates” to what the station charges advertisers for the same type of purchase. So, while candidates do not get volume discounts without buying in volume (as they do during the window), if they do buy in the required volume, they should get the same discount that other advertisers get. Stations should not “mark up” the rates charged to political candidates outside of the window.

Another question that came up dealt with the sale of advertising time on election day, whether it be the day of the primary or the general election.  As the law requires that stations charge the lowest unit rate for the 45 days before the primary and the 60 days before the general election, what do stations charge for time sold on election day?  After significant discussion, it was agreed that stations should charge the lowest unit rate on election day as well as during the political window before the election.  However, even for Federal candidates, there is no right of access to political time on election day.  That is, stations can decide themselves whether or not to sell time on election day.  But, if they do, it should be at lowest unit charge.

Watch our Blog as we highlight other election issues that arise during this election season. 

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As we enter the waning days of this election season, where some candidates get more desperate and the attack ads get sharper, broadcasters are often faced with requests that they pull an ad created by a candidate.  Claims are made that the ad contains untrue claims about an opponent or that the ad contains copyrighted material used without permission.  What is a station to do?  When the ad is an ad purchased by a candidate or their authorized committee, and contains a "use" by the purchasing candidate (a use being a spot where the purchasing candidate's voice or likeliness appears on the spot) the broadcaster is forbidden from censoring that ad.  Essentially, that means that the candidate can say just about anything in their ad (as long as it does not violate a Federal felony statute), and the FCC's rules prohibit the broadcaster from refusing to air the ad based on its content.  But, because the station cannot censor the ad, it has no liability for the contents of that ad.  This is in contrast to ads by third parties (e.g. advocacy groups, unions, political parties and others not specifically authorized by the candidate), where the broadcaster theoretically has liability for the content of a political ad (see our post on that subject, here).

Two recent cases illustrate the issue.  In one, according to press reports, in a race for the sole seat in the House of Representatives representing the state of North Dakota, one candidate has claimed that the ads of the other misrepresent the positions of that candidate.  The candidate being attacked has asked that the spots be pulled from the air, while the candidate running the spots has refused to pull them.  Even if requested by the candidate being attacked, and even if the ad is in fact false, broadcasters cannot pull one candidate's ad if that candidate wants to continue to run it.

In another story about a race in New York, one candidate has argued that the spot of another violates copyright law by using recorded material created by another without permission.  While the candidate who created the ad argues that he had a right to use the clip under the "Fair Use" doctrine, even if he did not, a station could not pull the ad, and would not be liable for any copyright liability that might attach.  Note that the answer might be different if the ad was posted on the station's website (where the no censorship rules does not apply), or if the ad was sponsored by a third party group rather than the candidate himself.

This is not to say that the candidate being defamed, or the copyright holder whose material is being improperly appropriated, has no remedy for an objectionable candidate ad.  But that remedy is against the candidate sponsoring the ad, not against the station that broadcasts it.  While suits against a candidate or that candidate's campaign committee are rare, they are theoretically possible. 

One last note, these rules apply to both Federal and state and local candidates.  While broadcast stations have no "reasonable access" obligation to sell time to state candidates, once they do, the no censorship rule applies.  More information on this subject and on other political broadcasting issues can be found in Davis Wright Tremaine's Political Broadcasting Guide.

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The American Issues Project has recently started running a controversial new television ad attacking Barrack Obama for his connections to former Weather Underground figure William Ayers.  The text of the ad is reported here.  While reportedly some cable outlets (including Fox News) have refused to air the ad, numerous broadcast stations are also wondering what the legal implications of running the ad may be.  We have already seen many other attack ads being run by third-party groups - including political parties, long-standing activist groups like Move On.org, as well as from new organizations like American Issues Project which have seemingly been formed recently.  As the use of such ads will no doubt increase as we get closer to the November election, it is important that broadcasters understand the issues that may arise in connection with such ads under various laws dealing with political broadcasting.  Legal issues that must be considered arise not only under FCC rules, but also potentially in civil courts for liability that may arise from the content of the ad.  Broadcast stations are under no obligation to run ads by third party groups, and stations have a full right to reject those ads based on their content.  This is in contrast to ads by Federal candidates, who have a right of reasonable access to all broadcast stations, and whose ads cannot be censored by the stations.  As a candidate's ad cannot be censored, the station has no liability for its contents.  In contrast, as the station has the full discretion as to whether or not it will run a third-party ad, it could have liability for defamation or other liabilities that might arise from the content of such ads that it decides to accept and put on the air.  

The standards for proving defamation (libel and slander) of a public figure are high, but if the ad does contain some clearly false statements, the standard could in fact be met.   Basically, to have liability, the station needs to run an ad containing a false statement either knowing that the ad is untrue or with "reckless disregard" for the truthfulness of the statements made.  This is referred to as the "malice standard."  Essentially, once a station is put on notice that the ad may be untrue (usually by a letter from the candidate being attacked, or from their lawyers),  the station needs to do their own fact checking to satisfy themselves that there is a basis for the claims made or, theoretically, the station could itself be subject to liability for defamation if the claims prove to be untrue.  A few years ago, some TV stations in Texas ended up having to pay a candidate because they ran an ad by an attack group that was shown to contain false statements, and the ad was run even after the candidate complained that the statements were untrue.  These determinations are often difficult to make as the ad's creators usually have hundreds of pages of documentation that they say supports their claims, while the person being attacked usually has documentation to refute the claims.  Thus, the determination as to whether or not to run the ad is a decision that each station needs to make after consultation with their lawyers, and after careful review of the spot and the backing documentation.

The stations also need to comply with FCC rules.  First, the stations need to make sure that the ad has the required sponsorship identification identifying the true sponsor of the ad, in writing for at least 4 seconds at 4% of screen height.  Under FEC rules, there must also be a verbal identification of the sponsor.  In addition, the station needs to comply with all of the public file requirements.

 

For any request to a station by a third-party group asking to buy ads dealing with Federal candidates, the station's public file should contain the following information about each request:

1) The name of the group sponsoring the ad

2) Its principal officers or its directors

3) Whether the request to buy time was accepted or rejected

4) If the schedule was accepted, the date and approximate time the spots will run

5) The class of time purchased

6) The rate charged

7) The name of the candidate to which the ad refers

8) After the spots have run, the exact time the spots ran

More information about these rules and the other laws dealing with political broadcasting issues for broadcast stations can be found in our Political Broadcasting Guide. 

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As the dates for the first Presidential primaries draw near, more and more stories appear in the press about attack ads growing in importance.  These ads are coming both from the candidates themselves trying to draw distinctions with their opponents, and from third party, supposedly independent, groups either attacking or supporting one of the candidates.  See, for instance, the recent story in the Washington Post on the increase in third party ads.  These ads have raised political issues on the campaign trail as to whether negative campaigns work, and as to how independent of the candidates the third party expenditures really are.  They also raise legal issues for broadcasters.  Whenever there are attack ads that are run on a broadcast station, there are complaints from the candidate being attacked about how unfair the criticism is.  Broadcasters have to deal with these complaints, and the sponsor of the ads makes a huge difference in the broadcaster's responsibilities to check the truth of the statements made.    As we explain in our Political Broadcasting Guide, broadcasters may not censor the content of a candidate ad, and thus are exempt from any liability for the content of that ad.  But attacks contained in third party ads may require the broadcaster to do some investigation into the claims being made to make sure that they avoid legal liabilities.

For ads run by a candidate or his or her authorized committee, the Communications Act forbids a broadcaster (or cable company that chooses to sell time to political candidates) from censoring the candidate's message.    Because of the no censorship rule, the Courts have ruled that broadcasters are immune from any sort of liability for defamation that may arise from the content of the ad.  Thus, broadcasters cannot reject a candidate's message based on its content (with the possible exception of cases where that content would violate a criminal law, as opposed to just creating some civil liability), and need not take any action in response to a complaint by an opposing candidate that the ad contains incorrect or distorted information.

Attack ads by non-candidate groups, such as unions, advocacy groups, party senatorial or Congressional campaign committees, and other political action committees, are treated much differently.  Because the "no censorship" rule does not apply, and because stations can make the decision whether or not to accept these ads in the first instance, if the ad contains content that could create liability, broadcasters should beware.  Broadcasters could be liable for disseminating claims, especially untrue claims, made in such ads.  So how are broadcasters supposed to deal with these ads?  Do they need to research the content of every ad?  Some ideas from our Political Guide on these questions follow:

What if I get a complaint about the content of a political ad that is bought by a group other than a candidate’s campaign committee? Can I refuse the ad based on its contents?

The “no censorship” rules apply only to ads by candidates and their authorized campaign committees. Thus, the sale by the stations of an ad to a third-party group is purely voluntary. If you get a complaint about a third-party ad, you can pull that ad. In fact, you do not need to run any third-party ads if you do not want to. 

Can I have liability for running an attack ad from a third-party group?

Yes. Because a station has the right to decide whether or not it will run an ad, it can be held liable for the content of that ad. If an ad contains an attack on a candidate that the station knows to be false, or the station is told that the ad is false and the station continues to broadcast the ad and does nothing to investigate whether the ad is in fact false, liability to the station could arise if the claims are in fact false.

How do I know whether or not a third-party ad is true or not?

The station must do a reasonable review of an ad – especially if the truth of the ad has been challenged. If you receive a challenge to the truth of a third-party ad, ask the committee or organization that is sponsoring the ad for information backing up its claims. Review that information for accuracy and reliability, and check with counsel to assess the sufficiency of the backing material to avoid liability for defamation or other torts. It is best to stop running the ad while doing this investigation.

Essentially, if broadcasters receive a challenge to the content of a third-party attack ad, they have a duty to research that content to determine if it is true.  If they do not, and the claim being made is in fact false, they face potential liability for running a falsehood with "malice", e.g. either knowing that it is untrue or recklessly disregarding the truth of the ad.  Most sophisticated political advertisers will have substantiation available for the claims that they have made.  However, even after reviewing the substantiation, these issues are often close calls, and different companies have different tolerance for the legal risk that these ads entail. Thus, stations should tread carefully in dealing with these ads, and consult legal counsel when issues arise.

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